log in
The Biblical Antiquities of Philo

The Biblical Antiquities of Philo (78)

THE BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES OF PHILO

TRANSLATED FROM THE OLD LATIN VERSION
BY

M. R. JAMES, LITT.D., F.B.A.

HON. LITT.D. DUBLIN, HON. LL.D. ST. ANDREWS,
PROVOST OF KING'S COLLEGE. CAMBRIDGE

London: S.P.C.K.,

[1917]

Scanned at sacred-texts.com, May 2004. John Bruno Hare, redactor. This text is in the public domain. These files may be used for any non-commercial purpose, provided this notice of attribution is left intact.

 

The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, 8. PURPOSE

THE BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES OF PHILO

TRANSLATED FROM THE OLD LATIN VERSION
BY

M. R. JAMES, LITT.D., F.B.A.


8. PURPOSE.

8. The PURPOSE of the author I read thus. He wishes to supplement existing narratives, as has been said; and this he does by means of his fabulous genealogies (which, especially in the corrupt state in which we have them, arouse but a faint interest) and also by his paraphrases 1 of Bible stories, (for example, those of Korah, Balaam, Jael, Micah) and by his fresh inventions, especially that of Kenaz, the first judge, which is on the whole his most successful effort. In this side of his work he seeks to interest rather than to instruct. On the religious side I detect a wish to infuse a more religious tone into certain episodes of the history, particularly into the period of the judges, and to emphasize certain great truths, foremost among which I should place the indestructibility of Israel, and the duty of faithfulness to the one God. Lapse into idolatry and union with Gentiles are the dangers he most dreads for his people. I have collected the passages in which his positive teaching, is most clear and prominent, and purpose in this place to digest them under several heads, usually in the order in which they occur in the text.

The Future State of Souls and the End of the World.

III. 10. When the years of the world (or age) are fulfilled, God will quicken the dead, and raise up from the earth them that sleep: Sheol will restore its debt, and Abaddon its deposit, and every man will be rewarded according to his works. There will be an end of death, Sheol will shut its mouth, the earth will be universally fertile. No one who is "justified in God" shall be defiled. There will be a new heaven and a new earth, an everlasting habitation.

XIX. 4. God will reveal the end of the world.

XIX. 7. Moses is not to enter into the promised land "in this age."

12. He is to be made to sleep with the fathers, and have rest, until God visits the earth, and raises him and the fathers from the earth in which they sleep, and they come together and dwell in an immortal habitation.

13. This heaven will pass away like a cloud, and the times and seasons be shortened when the end draws near, for God will hasten to raise up them that sleep, and all who are able to live will dwell in the holy place which he has shown to Moses.

XXI. 9. God told the fathers in the secret places of souls, how he had fulfilled his promises: cf. XXIV. 6; XXXII. 13.

XXIII. 6. He showed Abraham the place of fire in which evil deeds will be expiated, and the torches which will enlighten the righteous who have believed.

13. The lot of the righteous Israelites will be in eternal life: their souls will be taken and laid up in peace, until the time of the world is fulfilled, and God restores them, to the fathers, and the fathers to them.

XXVI. 12. The precious stones of the temple will be hidden away until God remembers the world, and then will be brought out with others from the place which eye hath not seen nor ear heard, etc. The righteous will not need the light of the sun or moon, for these stones will give them light.

XXVIII. 10. The rest (requies) of the righteous when they are dead.

XXXII. 17. The renewal of the creation (cf. XVI. 3).

XXXIII. 2-5. There is no room for repentance

after death, nor can the fathers after their death intercede for Israel.

XXXVIII. 4. Jair's victims are quickened with "living fire" and are delivered. (This, however, does not seem strictly to apply to the future state: see the passage.)

XLVIII. 1. When God remembers the world Phinehas will taste of death. Until then he will dwell with those who have been "taken up" before him.

LI. 5. God quickens the righteous, but shuts up the wicked in darkness. When the bad die they perish: when the righteous sleep they are delivered.

LXII. 9. Jonathan is sure that souls will recognize each other after death.

The Lot of the Wicked.

XVI. 3. Korah and his company: their dwelling will be in darkness and perdition, and they will pine away until God remembers the world, and then they will die and not live, and their remembrance will perish like that of the Egyptians in the Red Sea and the men who perished in the Flood. 6. Korah and his company, when they were swallowed up, "sighed until the firmament should be restored to the earth."

XVIII. 12. Balaam will gnash his teeth because of his sins.

XXXI. 7. Sisera is to go and tell his father in hell that he has fallen by the hand of a woman.

XXXVIII. 4. Jair will have his dwelling-place in fire: so also Doeg, LXIII. 4.

XLIV. 10. Micah and his mother will die in torments, punished by the idols he has made. And this will be the rule for all men, that they shall suffer in such fashion as they have sinned.

Punishment, long deferred, for past sins, is much in our author's mind.

VI. 11. Abram says "I may be burned to death on account of my (former) sins. God's will be done."

XXVII. 7. If Kenaz falls in battle it will be because of his sins.

15. Certain men were punished, not for their present offence, but for a former one.

XLII. 2. Manoah's wife is barren because of sins.

XLV. 3. The Levite's concubine had sinned years before and is now punished.

XLIX. 5. Elkanah says: If my sins have overtaken me, I had better kill myself.

The greatness of Israel and of the Law.

VII. 4. The Holy Land was not touched by the Flood.

IX. 3. The world will come to naught sooner than Israel can be destroyed.

4. When Israel was not yet in being, God spoke of it.

XII. 9. If God destroys Israel there will be none left to glorify him.

XVIII. 13. Israel can only be defeated if it sins.

XXXII. 9, 14. The heavenly bodies are ministers to Israel, and will intercede with God if Israel is in a strait.

15. Israel was born of the rib of Adam.

XXXIX. 7. The habitable places of the world were made for Israel.

IX. 8. God thought of the Law in ancient days.

XI. 1. It is a light to Israel but a punishment to the wicked.

2. It is an everlasting Law by which God will

judge the world. Men shall not be able to say "we have not heard."

5. It is an eternal commandment which shall not pass away.

XXXII. 7. It was prepared from the birth of the world.

Of Union with Gentiles.

IX. 1. The worst feature of the Egyptian oppression was the proposal that the Hebrew girls should marry Egyptians.

5. Tamar sinned with Judah rather than mingle with Gentiles, and was justified.

XVIII. 13. The union with the daughters of Moab and Midian would be fatal to Israel.

XLIII. 5. Samson mingled with Gentiles, and was therefore punished. He was unlike Joseph.

Angelology.

The service of angels is fairly prominent, and several are named.

XI. 12. "Bear not false witness, lest thy guardians do so of thee." This, I think, refers to angels.

XV. 5. The angels will not intercede for the people if they sin. The angel of God's wrath will smite the people.

"I put angels under their feet." (Also XXX. 5.)

XVIII. 5. "I said to the angels that work subtilly (?)."

6. Jacob wrestled with the angel that is over the praises.

XIX. 16. The angels lament for Moses.

XXVII. 10. Gethel or Ingethel is the angel of hidden things; Zeruel the angel of strength. (Also LXI. 5.)

XXXII. 1, 2. The angels were jealous of Abraham,

XXXIV. 3. Certain angels were judged: those who were condemned had powers which were not given to others after them. They still assist men in sorceries.

XXXVIII. Nathaniel the angel of fire.

XLII. 10. The angel Phadahel.

LXIV. 6. When Samuel is raised up by the witch, two angels appear leading him.

Demons and Idols.

Of evil spirits hardly anything is said, but some space is devoted to descriptions of idols.

XIII. 8. Adam's wife was deceived by the serpent.

XXV. 9. "The demons of the idols."

9 seq. The idols and precious stones of the Amorites are dwelt upon.

XLIV. 5 seq. Micah's idols are described in terms which remind one slightly of the images in a sanctuary of Mithras. (See the note.)

XLV. 6. "The Lord said to the Adversary" (anticiminus, ὁ ἀντικείμενοσ). He is quite suddenly introduced, and without any explanation.

LIII. 3, 4. Eli wonders if an unclean spirit has deceived Samuel. If one hears two calls at night, it will be an evil spirit that is calling: three will mean an angel.

LXI. An evil spirit oppresses Saul.

Evil spirits were created after heaven and earth (on the Second Day) and are a secondary creation. They sprang from an echo in chaos: their abode was in "Tartarus."

A holy spirit is mentioned occasionally, but in rather vague terms.

XVIII. 3. Balaam says that the spirit (of prophecy) is given "for a time."

11. "Little is left of that holy spirit which is in me."

XXVIII. 6. The holy spirit leapt upon Kenaz.

XXXII. 14. (Deborah addressing herself.) "Let the grace of the holy spirit in thee awake."

The character of God and His dealings with men are, naturally, illustrated in many passages, in some of which there is a strange lack of perception of what is worthy and befitting.

XII. 9. Moses says, "Thou art all light."

XXII. 3. "Light dwells with him."

XVI. 5. The sons of Korah say that God, not Korah, is their true father: if they walk in his ways, they will be his sons.

XVIII. 4. God knew what was in the world before he made it.

XXI. 2. He knows the mind of all generations before they are born (cf. L. 4).

XXVIII. 4. He willed that the world should be made and that they who should inhabit it should glorify him.

XXX. 6. God is life.

XXXV. 3. He will have mercy on Israel "not for your sakes, but because of them that sleep" (cf. XXXIX. 11 end).

5. Men look on glory and fame, God on uprightness of heart.

XXXVI. 4. God will not punish Gideon in this life, lest men should say "It is Baal who punishes him": he will chastise him after death.

XXXIX. 4. (LXII. 6.) If God forgives, why should not mortal man?

God, being God, has time to cast away his anger.

11. He is angry with Jephthah for his vow. "If a dog were the first to meet him, should a dog be offered to me? It shall fall upon his only child."

XLV. 6. Israel took no notice of Micah's idols;

but is horrified at the Benjamite outrage: therefore God will allow Benjamin to defeat them, and will deceive them (cf. LXIII. 3).

XLVI. He deceives Israel, telling them to attack Benjamin.

XLVII. 3. If God had not sworn an oath to Phinehas, he would not hear him now.

LII. 4. He will not allow Eli's sons to repent, because aforetime they had said "When we grow old we will repent."

LXIV. 1. Saul put away the wizards in order to gain renown: so he shall be driven to resort to them.

Man, especially in relation to sin.

XIII. 8. Man lost Paradise by sin.

XIX. 9. What man hath not sinned? Who will be born without sin? Thou wilt correct us for a time, and not in wrath.

XXXII. 5. Esau was hated because of his deeds.

XXXVI. 1. The Midianites say, "Our sins are fulfilled, as our gods told us, and we believed them not."

LII. 3. Eli says to his sons: "Those whom you have wronged will pray for you if you reform."

LXIV. 8. Saul thinks that perhaps his fall may be an atonement for his sins.

The Messiah.

Dr. Cohn speaks of the Messianic hope of the writer, but I am myself unable to find any anticipation of a Messiah in our text. It is always God, and no subordinate agency, that is to "visit the world" and put all things right.

The word Christus occurs in two chapters: in LI. 6, and LIX. 1, 4, which refer to Saul or David.

There are two other puzzling passages, of which

one inclines at first to say that the meaning is Messianic.

XXI. 6. Joshua says: "O Lord, lo, the days shall come when the house of Israel shall be likened to a brooding dove which setteth her young in the nest, and will not leave them or forget her place, like as also these, turning (conuersi) from their acts, shall fight against (or overcome) the salvation which shall be born of them (or is born to them)."

LI. 5. Hannah says: "But so doth all judgement endure, until he be revealed who holdeth it (qui tenet)." As, a few lines later, she says: "And these things remain so until they give a horn to his (or their) Anointed," which certainly refers to Saul; it is probable that Saul or David is meant in the present passage also. Nevertheless the resemblance between qui tenet and ὁ κατέχων of St. Paul (2 Thess. ii. 6, 7) is noteworthy.


Footnotes

34:1 Which in some cases rather deserve the name of perversions. Great liberties are taken with them: a notable fact.

The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, 7. FORM

THE BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES OF PHILO

TRANSLATED FROM THE OLD LATIN VERSION
BY

M. R. JAMES, LITT.D., F.B.A.


7. FORM.

7. As to the FORM, I suggest that the chief model which the author set before himself was the Biblical Book of Chronicles. He begins abruptly, as that does, with genealogies and with Adam: he introduces from time to time short pieces of narrative, which rapidly increase in importance until they occupy the whole field: he devotes much space to speeches and prayers, and is fond of statements of numbers. His aim is to supplement existing narratives, and he wholly passes over large tracts of the history, occasionally referring to the Biblical books in which further details are to be found: and it is to be noted that he seems to place his own work on a level with them. "Are not these things written in the book of" the Judges, or the Kings, is his formula, and it is that of the Bible also. In all these respects he follows the Chronicler: only, as has been said, we miss in him the liturgical and priestly interest of that writer. Like the Chronicler, too, he is, and I believe was from the first, anonymous; I can find no trace of an attempt to personate any individual prophet, priest or scribe.

The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, 6. DATE

THE BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES OF PHILO

TRANSLATED FROM THE OLD LATIN VERSION
BY

M. R. JAMES, LITT.D., F.B.A.


6. DATE.

6. As to the DATE of the book, a positive indication of a terminus a quo has been detected in the text by Dr. Colin. He draws attention to a speech of God to Moses (XIX. 7): "I will show thee the place wherein the people shall serve me 850 (MSS. 740) years, and thereafter it shall be delivered into the hands of the enemies, and they shall destroy it, and strangers shall compass it about; and it shall be on that day like as it was in the day when I brake the tables of the covenant which I made with thee in Horeb: and when they sinned, that which was written thereon vanished away. Now that day was the 17th day of the 4th month." Dr. Cohn's comment is: "These words are meant to signify that Jerusalem was taken on the 17th of Tamuz, on the same day on which the Tables of the Law were broken by Moses. The capture of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, however, took place on the 9th of Tamuz (Jer. 526; Cf. 2 Kings 253). The . . . 17th of Tamuz can relate only to the second temple (read capture) as it is expressly mentioned in the Talmud (Taanith IV. 6, cf. Seder Olam Rabbah, cap. 6 and 30) that on that date the Tables of the Law were destroyed and Jerusalem was taken by Titus. Thus the author betrays himself by giving as the date of the capture of Jerusalem by the Babylonians what is really the date of the capture by Titus."

The point is so important that I have felt it only right to present the evidence in some detail. The Mishnah of Taanith IV. 6 says "Five calamities befell our fathers on the 17th of Tamuz and five on the 9th of Ab. On the 17th Tamuz the Tables of the Law were broken: the daily sacrifice ceased to be offered: the city of Jerusalem was broken into: Apostomos burnt the Law and set up an idol in the sanctuary. On the 9th of Ab our fathers were told that they should not enter the holy land (Num. xiv.). The first and the second temple were destroyed; Bethar was taken, and the plough passed over the soil of Jerusalem."

It must be borne in mind that the capture of Jerusalem, and not the destruction of the Temple, is the event of which the date is important. To establish Dr. Cohn's argument, it is necessary that the capture of the city by Titus, and not the capture by Nebuchadnezzar, should be assigned to the 17th Tamuz.

The Gemara of the Jerusalem Talmud on the Mishnah quoted above attempts to show that there is a confusion in the chronology, and that probably both captures took place on the 17th Tamuz. But that of the Babylonian Talmud, which Mr. I. Abrahams has kindly translated for me, makes the requisite distinction between the dates, in these terms--

The city was broken up on the 17th. Was it indeed so? Is it not written "in the 4th month, on the 9th of the month, the famine was sore" (Jer. 526): and is it not written in the following verse: "then the city was broken up"? Raba replied: There is no difficulty: for the one refers to the first, the other to the second Temple. For there is a baraitha (teaching) which teaches: "On the first occasion the city was broken into on the 9th of Tamuz, and on the second occasion on the 17th."

This clearly justifies Dr. Cohn in taking the 17th of Tamuz as the date primarily associated with the capture by Titus. The attempt of the Jerusalem Talmud to place the Babylonian capture on the same date is of a later complexion, and is made, it seems, in the interests of a factitious symmetry. The baraitha quoted in the Babylonian Talmud is of the same age as the Mishnah (i.e. before A.D. 200).

Thus Philo is indeed referring to the capture by Titus, and is therefore writing at a date later than A.D. 70. But, apart from this piece of positive evidence, the general complexion of the book strongly supports Dr. Cohn when he holds that it was written after the destruction of the second Temple. There is a singular absence of interest in the Temple services and in the ceremonial Law, whereas the moral Law, and especially the Decalogue, is dwelt upon again and again. Of course we read of sacrifices and the like, and it was impossible for the author to avoid all mention of the Tabernacle and its vessels, and of the yearly feasts. But the space devoted to them is strikingly small. The Passover is twice mentioned by name, and its institution is once referred to, together with that of the Feasts of Weeks, of Trumpets, and of Tabernacles, but no stress is laid upon it. The prescriptions for the observance of the Sabbath mention only synagogal services. When we compare Philo with Jubilees (second cent. B.C.), where the constant effort is to antedate the ceremonial Law in every part, we feel that we are in a wholly different stage of Judaism. Further, the evidence derivable from the resemblances between Philo and other books certainly written after A.D. 70, which will be found collected in another part of this Introduction, points unequivocally in the same direction.

In the portion of the book which we have (and it is important to remember that it is but a fragment) the writer's anticipations of a restoration and his allusions to the desolation of Jerusalem are equally faint and dim. It is probable that as occasion served--e.g. when he came to treat of Solomon's temple--he would have spoken more plainly than he could well do when dealing with the earlier history. If an opinion based upon what we possess of his work is demanded, my own is that an appreciable interval must be placed between the destruction of the city and our author's time. I should assign him to the closing years of the first Christian century. 1


Footnotes

33:1 It might even be said that the vagueness of his hopes and aspirations points to an even later period, after the crushing of the Bar-Cochba rising in A.D. 135. However, the fact of the acceptance of the book by the Christian Church, which alone has preserved it, and the absence of anti-Christian polemic, forbid us to assign to it a date at all late in the second century.

The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, 5. ORIGINAL LANGUAGE

THE BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES OF PHILO

TRANSLATED FROM THE OLD LATIN VERSION
BY

M. R. JAMES, LITT.D., F.B.A.


5. ORIGINAL LANGUAGE.

5. The ORIGINAL LANGUAGE of the book, its date, its form and its purpose, must now be discussed.

Original Language.--The Latin version, in which alone we possess the work, is quite obviously a translation from Greek. The forms of proper names, the occurrence of Greek words which puzzled the translator, ometocea, pammixia, epomis, etc., make this abundantly clear. It is hardly less plain that the Greek was a translation from Hebrew. As Dr. Cohn has pointed out, the whole complexion, and especially the connecting links of the narrative, are strongly Hebraic, and there is a marked absence of the Greek use of particles, or of any attempt to link sentences together save by the bald "et," which occurs an incredible number of times.

Some statistics may be given: Et factum est occurs at least 33 times; Et tum (usually of the past) 37; Tunc 25; Et nunc (of present or future) 85; In tempore illo 18; In diebus illis (and the like) 10; Et post haec, or postea 30; Ecce 105; Ecce nunc 47; Et ideo 27; Et erit cum, or si 24. Other common links which I have not counted are Et ut (uidit, etc.), Et cum, His dictis, Propterea.

The leading Hebraisms are present: adiicere, or apponere with another verb, meaning "he did so yet again," 9 times at least; the intensive participle and verb (Illuminans illuminaui) 15 times. We have Si introducing a question 4 times; a uiro usque ad mulierem and the like (XXX. 4; XLVII. 10); ad uictoriam, in uictoria (= למנצח, "Utterly"); IX. 3; XII. 6; XLIX. 6.

Hebraists, among whom I cannot reckon myself, may probably detect the presence of plays upon words, passages written in poetical form (some of which are indeed obvious), and mistranslations. 1

From what has just been said it will be rightly gathered that the literary style of Philo is not its strong point. Indeed, it is exceedingly monotonous, full of repetitions and catchwords. The author's one device for obtaining an "effect" is to string together a number of high-sounding clauses, as he does, for example, in his repeated descriptions of the giving of the Law. As a narrator, he has another trick. An incident is often compared to another in the past (or future) history of Israel, and many times is an episode from that history related in a speech or prayer.

Some of the recurrent phrases are: I spake of old saying about 25 times; in vain, or not in vain 14; it is better for us to do this than . . . 7; not for our sakes, but for . . . about 5 times; who knoweth whether 4; dost thou not remember 3; To thy seed will I give this land (or the like) 7-9; the covenant which he made 5-8; I know that the people will sin 8-9; God's anger will not endure for ever 10; The Gentiles will say 4-8; I call heaven and earth to witness 4-5; in the last days 4; make straight your ways 5-6; corrupt (your ways, etc.) 18; remember or visit the world 6; be for a testimony 10. Of single words accipere occurs 88 times in the first half of the text; habitare, inhabitare about 80 times in the whole text; iniquitas 33; disponere 37; testamentum 47; ambulare 21; uia, uiae 25; adducere 19; seducere 21; saeculum 27; sempiternus 15; constituere 20; expugnare 27; zelari 14; illuminare 12; renunciare 15.

Other lists are given in Appendix II.


Footnotes

27:1 Pitra thought that the Latin versions of these were by the same hand: I cannot confirm this idea, and indeed incline to question its correctness.
28:1 Of mistranslations I can only point to one. In VIII. 13 Visui appears as a proper name. It seems clearly to be a mistake for "and Isui." The error implies a Hebrew original: it is not found in the LXX. See the Appendix on Readings in loc.

The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, 3. AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT

THE BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES OF PHILO

TRANSLATED FROM THE OLD LATIN VERSION
BY

M. R. JAMES, LITT.D., F.B.A.


3. AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT.

3. The next business is to describe the AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT of Philo.

(a) We will take the printed edition of 1527 first (of which the four others of 1538-50-53-99 are mere reprints). Its symbol shall be A. In his preface, addressed to the monks of Fulda, Sichardus, like many editors of the Renaissance period, tells us but little of the manuscripts he used. The substance of what he says is as follows. At one time he had hoped to be able to remedy the many corruptions of the manuscripts, of which he had two; but he gradually came to despair of doing so, and resolved to give the text as he found it. His two manuscripts were as like each other as two eggs, so that he could not doubt that one was a copy of the other, though they were preserved in libraries far apart. He employed the Fulda copy, and had previously obtained the use of one from Lorsch Abbey, which was very old, and had expected that these would provide the materials for a satisfactory edition; moreover, he had got wind of the existence of another copy. But his manuscripts proved disappointing, and he is well aware that the present edition is inadequate. In preparing it he has aimed at following his manuscripts as closely as possible, and in issuing it now has judged that the evils of delay are greater than those of haste; especially as he looks forward to putting forth a greatly improved text in the future. 1

(b) We have seen that the Fulda MS. is traceable in the library catalogues late in the sixteenth century. Until lately it was thought to have been lost, along with the bulk of the Fulda MSS.: but it has been identified, first by Dr. Cohn, and then, independently, by Dr. P. Lehmann, with a MS. at Cassel (Theol. 4 3) of the eleventh century. The Lorsch MS. still remains undiscovered.

The identity of the Cassel MS. with that used by Sichardus is not doubtful. In its cover is an inscription by him stating that he had it rebound in 1527. It also retains the old label, of the fourteenth century, with the title Liber Philonis Antiquitatum, and the old Fulda press-mark.

The book which furnishes this information is a special study, published by, Dr. Lehmann in 1912, of the libraries and manuscripts used by Sichardus for the purpose of his various editions of ancient authors. Dr. Lehmann has collected, propos of Sichardus's Philo, notices of all the MSS. of the Latin Philo known to exist, and has succeeded in increasing the number, from three which were known to Dr. Cohn in 1898, to sixteen, eleven of which contain the text of the Antiquities. They are as follows-

Admont (an abbey in Austria) 359, Of cent. xi., containing Ant. and Quaest. in Gen.
Cassel, theol. 4 3, of cent. xi. (the Fulda MS.), containing Ant. and Quaest.
Cheltenham) Phillipps 461, of cent. xii, from Tres, containing Ant.
Cues (near Tres), 16 (or H. II), Of 1451, paper, containing Ant. and Quaest.
Munich, lat. 4569, of cent. xii., from Benedictbeuren, containing Ant. and Quaest.
Munich, lat. 17,133, of cent. xii., from Schtlarn, containing Ant. and Quaest.
Munich, lat. 18,481, of cent. xi., from Tegernsee, containing Ant. and Quaest.
Rome, Vatican, lat. 488, of cent. xv., containing Ant. and Quaest.
Vienna, lat. 446, of cent. xiii., containing Ant.
Wzburg, M. ch. f. 210, of cent. xv. (paper), containing Ant.
Wzburg, M. ch. f 276, of cent. xv. (paper), containing Ant. and Quaest.

Besides these, there are at Augsburg, Florence, Rome, Tres, MSS. containing Quaest. only, and at Coblenz one of which no particulars were forthcoming.

For the purposes of the present volume only four of the above authorities have been employed, namely, the Fulda-Cassel MS. as represented by Sichardus's edition (and with it we must allow for some use of the lost MS. from Lorsch), the Cheltenham, Vatican, and Vienna MSS. The fact that Dr. Cohn was known to have in contemplation a full critical edition precluded others from trying to cover the whole ground, and, even had it been otherwise desirable to do so, the investigation would have been very difficult for anyone outside Germany. There are, for instance, no printed catalogues of the Admont, Cassel, or Wzburg libraries.

However, the paucity of authorities here brought to bear is of little importance. What Dr. Lehmann tells us 1 is sufficient to show that none of the MSS. present a completer text than we already know. All must go back to an ancestor which was already mutilated when our first transcripts of it were made. Upon this point more will be said. At present we will take account of what Dr. Lehmann has to say of Sichardus's MSS., and proceed to the description of the MSS. actually used, and of some subsidiary authorities.

Of the Fulda MS. we now learn that it is the work of more than one scribe, of the eleventh century. The Antiquities occupy ff. 1-65a, and have a title in a late medieval hand: Libri Philonis Iudei de initio mundi, which, or the like, is "usual in the MSS." The Quaestiones, entitled (in the original hand): Filonis Questionum in genisi et solutionum, follow on ff. 65a-89a, and in them is a noteworthy feature. On f. 86, in the middle of the page the MS. omits, without any sign of a break, a long passage containing the end of the Quaestiones and the beginning of the De Essaeis, and corresponding to pp. 82, l. 40-84, l. 16 of Sichardus's edition. At this point Sichardus has a marginal note: "Here the copies differed, but we have followed that of Lorsch, as being the older." Now this same gap is found in most, if not in all, of the other MSS., and not all of these are copied directly from the Fulda MS. We may say, therefore, that all MSS. showing this gap are independent of the Lorsch MS., but not necessarily dependent on the Fulda MS.

It is clear from what has been said that Sichardus was wrong in regarding the Fulda MS. as a copy of that of Lorsch, and that the latter represented an old and valuable tradition: and, further, that he exaggerates greatly when he says that the two MSS. were as alike as two eggs. 1 Dr. Lehmann's final remark is that the disappearance of the Lorsch MS. is very much to be deplored, for, judged by the Greek fragments and the Armenian version of the Quaestiones, it represented a better tradition than all the extant Latin MSS.

Of the other MSS. in the list given above, it may be observed that the Cues MS. (written at Gottweih in 1451) and the two Wzburg MSS. are not likely to be of very much value: and that, of the three Munich MSS., that from Tegernsee (18481) is to all appearance the parent of the other two. Probably the monk who wrote to Tegernsee to borrow a Philo (see p. 10) was a member of Benedictbeuren or Schtlarn. The Schtlarn copy (17133) was written between 1160 and 1164. 2

I now proceed to give a detailed account of the three complete MSS. which I have been able to use, and of certain subsidiary authorities. The three MSS. are those mentioned by Dr. Cohn in his article, and I have been led to examine them during recent years by my interest in the text, and without serious thought of using them for the purposes of an edition. They are the copies preserved at Cheltenham, Vienna, and Rome.

P. The Phillipps MS. 461 is a small vellum book (6 5/8 x 4 3/4 in.) of 124 leaves, with 20 lines to a page; a few leaves palimpsest, over not much older writing. It is of cent. XII., clearly written: on f. 1a the provenance is stated, in this inscription: Codex SX (?) Sci. Eucharii primi Trevirorum archiepi. siquis eum abstulerit anathema sit. Amen. A hand of cent. XV. adds the word Mathie. Then follows the title, of cent. XV.: Philo iudeus de successione generacionis veteris Testamenti. On f. 1b is Jerome's account of Philo (de virr. illustr. c. XI.): the text of the book begins on 3a: Adam genuit, and ends on 119b without colophon. It is followed by a few pieces of medieval Latin verse, of no great interest. The first begins; Carnis in ardore flagrans monialis amore. Another is on Chess: Qui cupit egregium scacorum noscere ludum Audiat. ut potui carmine composui.

V. Vindobonensis lat. 446, a small folio of 53 leaves, with 31 lines to a page, in a tall, narrow, rather sloping hand, doubtless German, by more than one scribe: of cent. XII. late or XIII. early. There is an old press-mark of cent. XVI.: XI. 68. The text is preceded by Jeronimus de Phylone in catalogo uirorum illustrium. It begins Incip. Genesis. INITIUM MUNDI. Adam genuit, and ends on 53a without colophon, occupying the whole volume.

R. Vaticanus lat. 488, of cent. XV., in a very pretty Roman hand, in double columns of 35 lines. The first 8c, leaves contain tracts of Augustine, Prosper and Jerome. Our book, to which is prefixed the extract from Jerome, begins on f. 81. It is headed: Genesis, and begins: Inicium mundi. Adam Genuit. The colophon is: Explicit ystoria philonis ab initio mundi usque ad David regent. It is followed by the Quaestiones et Solutiones in Genesim, which occupy ff. 129-148 (end). The arms of Paul V. and of Cardinal Scipione Borghese the librarian are on the binding: there is no other mark of provenance.

P is thus the only one of the three manuscripts whose old home can be definitely fixed. It belonged to the abbey of St. Eucharius, otherwise called of St. Matthias (whose body lies there), just outside Tres.

(c) Next come certain manuscripts which contain extracts from the text.

Ph. The Phillipps MS. 391, Of 92 ff., of cent. XII. early, contains principally tracts of Jerome, notably Quaestiones Hebraicae. On ff. 87-8 it has the four extracts which I printed in 1893 (see above). It belonged to Leander van Ess, and has an old press-mark C I or C 7.

T. No. 117 in the Town Library at Tres. A paper MS., dated 1459. It contains five of the same tracts as Ph and two of the extracts from Philo. It retains its old press-mark, B II, and an inscription showing that it belonged to the abbey of S. Maria ad Martyres at Tres. The contents of the book and the text of the extracts make it clear that T is a copy of Ph or of a sister-book, while the form of the press-mark shows that Ph and T belonged to the same library. Thus T is only important as helping to "place" Ph.

F. MS. McClean 31 in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge (fully described in my catalogue of the McClean MSS.), is a remarkable copy of the Aurora, or versified Bible, of Petrus de Riga. It is of cent. XIII., and is copiously annotated. Among the marginalia are many extracts (a complete list will be found at the beginning of the Appendix on various Readings) from Philo, uniformly introduced under that name, and for the most part abridged. The manuscript may have been written in the Rhine Provinces, or in Eastern France.

J. The Hebrew Chronicle of Jerahmeel, edited in an English translation by Dr. M. Gaster (Oriental Translation Fund, New series IV., 1899), was compiled early in cent. XIV. somewhere in the Rhineland. It contains large portions of Philo, some in extenso, some abridged. A list is given in the Appendix. Dr. Gaster will have it that the Hebrew is the original text; but Hebraists do not agree with him, and it is, in fact, possible to show that the Hebrew writer was translating from Latin, and from a manuscript which contained misreadings common to those we now have. See the Appendix of Readings on III. 10, VII. 3.

(d) Glancing back over the list, we see that for all but one of the items a German origin is established. The Vatican MS. is the exception, and even this presents certain indications of German origin. Near the beginning of the book (III. 3) is a speech beginning Deleam. R reads Vel eam.

Now it is a habit with German scribes of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries to write their capital D's with a sharply-pointed base, making the letter very like the outline of the conventional harp, and also very like a capital V; nor do I know any other script in which the likeness between D and V is so striking. My guess is that the scribe of R, encountering the puzzling letter near the beginning of his work, made the mistake, which he does not repeat; and I regard it as an indication that his archetype was a German book of the same age as V (and, I may say by anticipation, presenting a remarkably similar text to that of V).

Thus the geographical distribution of the authorities combines with the evidence of the literature to show that in the Middle Ages Philo was circulated within very narrow limits, and practically confines those limits to Germany and Northern France.

(e) Of these authorities I have transcribed A, collated P (on the spot),and R (from a photograph) in full; have examined and partially collated V (on the spot), and have transcribed Ph, T, and F: J is in print, and I have collated that also.

The complete copies which are known to us are all ultimately derived from a single imperfect ancestor. All exhibit the same lacunae. The text, as we have it, ends abruptly in the midst of Saul's last dying speech: "Say to David: Thus saith Saul: Be not mindful of my hatred nor of my unrighteousness." How much further the story went we shall discuss later on. That it is imperfect is clear, and all our copies agree in the imperfection. Two other obvious lacunae occur about two-thirds of the way through the book, in the story of Abimelech. After the death of Gideon (XXXVII. 1) we read that "he had a son by a concubine who slew all his brethren, desiring to be ruler over the people. Then came together all the trees of the field to the fig-tree, and said: Come reign over us." Thus we pass from the first entry of Abimelech to a point somewhere in the Parable of Jotham. I think we must assume that at this place a leaf was missing in the ancestor of all our copies. None of them make any attempt to fill the gap. At the end of the story of Abimelech is another bad place (XXXVIII. 1): "After these things Abimelech ruled over the people for one year and six months, and died (under a certain tower) when a woman let fall half a millstone upon him. (Then Jair judged Israel twenty and two years.) He built a sanctuary to Baal," etc. The words in parentheses represent the supplements of P. The text as read in A would imply that Abimelech built a sanctuary to Baal; but it was in fact Jair who did so. Here, then, is another gap, the extent of which is uncertain. The immediate successor of Abimelech in the Bible is Tola. Our historian may or may not have noticed him: he does, later on, omit one of the minor judges, Ibzan. At most, another leaf is wanting at this point: at least, a few lines have been lost by casual damage.

There are, further, indications that the imperfect archetype was an uncial MS. with undivided words. In the early pages of the book much space is occupied by lists of names, which, being invented by the author, could not be corrected by recourse to the Bible. The many disagreements as to the divisions of the names (e.g. Sifatecia Sifa. Tecia, Lodo. Otim Lodoothim, filii aram filiarum, etc.) point to a stage at which the scribe had no guidance in this matter. So do such variants as memoraret artari for memorare tartari, in chaoma tonata for in chaomate nata. Again, in XIX 15 certain unintelligible words (istic mel apex magnus) are written in capitals in V, which I interpret as an attempt on the part of the scribe to represent exactly the ductus litterarum of an ancestor.

A minuscule stage is evidenced by frequent confusions (in proper names) of f and s, of c and z, of ch and di, and an occasional r for n or the converse. This last error, were it more frequent, might point to an "insular" ancestor somewhere in the pedigree. There is an a priori likelihood that a rare text current in the Rhenish district would have attracted the notice of Irish monks and have been preserved by them. A closer study of the variants may perhaps confirm this notion. 1

External and internal evidence combined lead me to the conclusion that our text was preserved in a single imperfect copy written in uncials, and containing the Antiquities, the Quaestiones in Genesim, and De Essaeis, which had survived at some centre of ancient culture in the Rhenish district, most likely in or near Tres.

(f) The authorities used in this book fall into three groups: (1) Lorsch and Fulda, represented by the printed text, which I call A; (2) The Tres group P, Ph, T; (3) VRFJ. This is a rough division. Sichardus gives us no means of distinguishing readings peculiar to either of his MSS. and, as we have seen, is probably wrong in saying that they were very closely allied. The Tres MSS. are in more frequent agreement with A than VR. V and R, if not parent and child (and probably they are not) are at least uncle and nephew. Generally speaking I am of opinion that, though manifestly wrong in a number of small points, A is preferable to any one of the complete MSS. that I have seen.

It will be readily understood that, in an edition like this, a complete exposition of the evidence for the text is impossible: but by way of illustration we will take a short passage for which all our authorities except J are available, and in which the grouping is (if imperfectly) shown. The Song of David before Saul (LX. 2 sqq.) runs thus in APPhTVRF. A is taken as the basis.

Tenebrae et silentium erant (erat RF) antequam fieret seculum, et locutum est silentium et apparuerunt tenebrae.

Et factum est tunc (om. tunc RF) nomen tuum in compaginatione extensionis quod appellatum (+ est VRFPhT) superius coelum, inferius vocatum (invocatum. V) est terra.

Et praeceptum est superiori ut plueret secundum tempus eius (suum F) et inferiori pracceptum est (praec. est inf. F: om. praec. est R) ut crearet escam omnibus quae facta sunt (homini qui factus est VRF).

Et post haec facta est tribus spiritum uestrorum (nostrorum F).

Et nunc molesta, esse noli tanquam secunda creatura (factura VRF).

Si comminus memoraret artari in quo ambulas A.

Si comminus memorarer artare, etc. PPhT (artare rather obscure in T).

Si quominus memorare tartari (tractari R) in quo ambulabas VRF.

Aut non audire tibi sufficit quoniam per ea quae consonant in conspectu tuo multis (in multis VRF) psallo?

Aut immemor es quoniam de resultatione in chaoma tonata (in chaomate nata VRF) est uestra creatura?

Arguet autem tempora noua (te metra noua VRF) unde natus sum, de quo nascitur (de qua nascetur VRF) post tempus de lateribus meis qui uos donauit (domauit P, domabit PhTVRF).

VRF here show themselves the best in some important readings. The first (homini for omnibus) is the least obvious: but it will be quickly seen that the point of the invective is that evil spirits are a secondary creation, and particularly that they are inferior to man. If not actually created after man, at least they came into being after the earth, which was to supply food to him. Moreover, a similar variant occurs early in the book (III. 2), non diiudicabit spiritus meus in omnibus (AVR: hominibus P) istis, The LXX of Gen. 63, ἐν τοῖσ ἀνθρώποισ τούτοισ, shows that P is right.

But VR (F is rarely available) are not uniformly successful. They sometimes shirk difficulties. In IX. 13 Moses "natus est in testamento dei et in testamento carnis eius" (i.e. was born circumcised). Here VR read "in testamentum carnis, which makes nonsense: and a few lines later, where it is said of Pharaoh's daughter: "et dum uidisset in Zaticon (sc. διαθήκην) hoc est in testamento carnis," the whole clause is omitted by VIZ.

In III. 10, we have "et reddet infernus debitum suum, et perditio restituet paralecem suam." This is the obviously right reading of AP: VR read partem suam, and J betrays itself not only as a version from Latin, but as dependent on a Latin MS. allied to VR, by saying "and Abaddon shall return its portion."

When Pharaoh has determined to destroy the Hebrew children, the people say (IX. 2): "ὠμοτοκείαν (ometocean cett.) passa sunt viscera mulierum nostrarum." All the authorities, including F, keep the strange word, but V writes "Ometocean id est passa sunt," showing that at some stage there was an intention to insert a Latin equivalent. Still, the word has survived.

The shirking of difficulties is not confined to VR. The priestly vestments, epomis (XI. 15) and cidaris (XIII. 1), become ebdomas and cithara in AP, but not in VR. In a list of the plagues of Egypt (X. 1), one, pammixia, is omitted by AP and retained by VR. This word pammixia (panimixia in the MSS.) deserves a passing note, for it does not seem to have made its way into dictionaries or concordances. It is intended to mean the plague of all manner of flies, for which the LXX and Vulgate equivalent is κυνομυια, coenomyia. Jerome, writing on this, says it ought to be κοινομυια, signifying a mixture of all manner of flies, and adds that Aquila's word for it was παμμικτον. Older editors read παμμυιαν for παμμικτον, but Field, or some one before him, corrected it, and our text confirms the correction.

VR do not always go together: R, as being later, has corruptions of its own. Psalphinga, a trumpet, is a favourite word with our author: R at first writes this as psalmigraphus; later, when he has realised that this is nonsense, he reproduces psalphinga as he should.

We have not yet cited examples in which the Tres MSS. stand apart. I will give two specimens, one of a few words, the other longer, in which this is the case.

i. XXII1. 4. Una petra erat unde effodi patrem uestrum. et genuit uir scopuli illius duos uiros A. P has: incisco petre illius, which is nearly right: VRF have "incisio petre illius," which is quite right.

ii. In the Lament of Jephthah's Daughter (XL. 6 seq.) all our authorities are available except F. J is very loose and paraphrastic, and its evidence will be given after the rest.

The first clause has no important variants. After that, taking A as the basis, we have--
(a) Ego autem non sum saturata thalamo meo, nec repleta sum coronis nuptiarum mearum.
(b) Non enim uestita sum splendore sedens in genua mea.
Non enim uestita sum splendore sedens in uirginitate mea P.
Non enim uestita sum splendore sedens in ingenuitate mea PhT.
Non enim uestita sum splendore secundum ingenuam meam VR.
(c) Non sum usa Mosi odoris mei.
" " preciosi odoramenti mei PPhT.
" " moysi odoris mei VR (om. usa R).
(Sichardus conjectured Moscho for Mosi: Pitra prints non sunt thymia odoris.)
(d) Nec froniuit (fronduit V) anima mea oleo unctionis quod (quibus R) praeparatum est mihi AVR.
Nec froniuit animam meam oleum unctionis quod praeparatum est mihi PPhT.
(e) O mater, in uano (uanum V) peperisti unigenitam, tuam AVR.
O mater, in uano peperisti unigenitam tuam et genuisti eam super terram PPhT (see below, (g)).
(f) Quoniam, factus est infernus thalamus meus.
(g) et genuam meam super terram A.
et genua mea super terram. VR (om. mea R).
P PhT have the equivalent above in (e).
(h) et confectio omnis olei quod praeparasti mihi effundatur.
(om. et) confectio omnis olei quam preparauit mihi mater mea eff. PPhT.
et confectio omnis olei quam preparasti mihi effundetur VR.
(i) et alba quam neuit mater mea tinea comedat eam.
et albam (alba Ph) quam neuit tinea comedat PPhT.

et albam quam neuit mater mea tinea comedet eam VR.
(k) et corona quam intexuit nutrix mea in tempore marcescat.
et corona quam intexuit mea nutrix in tempore marcescat PPhT.
et flores corone quam intexuit nutrix mea in tempore marcescant (marcescet R) VR.
(l) et stratoria quae texuit in genuam meam de Hyacinthino. et purpura uermis ca corrumpet.
et stratoria quae texuit mihi de iacincto et purpura uermis ea corrumpat PPhT (corrumpet P).
et stratoria quae texuit ingenium meum de iacinctino et purpuram meam uermes corrumpant V.
et stratoriam quae texuit ingenium meum de iacinctino et purpuram meam uermis corrumpat R.
(m) et referentes de me conuirgines meae in gemitu per dies plangant me.
et referentes de me conuirgines meae cum gemitu per dies plangant me PPhT.
et referentes me conuirgines meae in gemitum per dies plangant me VR.

The passage reads thus in J, p. 178 (a): "I have not beheld my bridal canopy, nor has the crown of my betrothal been completed. (b) I have not been decked with the lovely ornaments of the bride who sits in her virginity. (c) nor have I been perfumed with the myrrh and the sweet smelling aloe.
(d) I have not been anointed with the oil of anointment that was prepared for me.
(e) Alas, O my mother, it was in vain that thou didst give me birth.
Behold thine only one (f) is destined for the bridal chamber of the grave.
(g) Thou hast wearied thyself for me to no purpose.
(h) The oil with which I was anointed will be wasted.
(i) And the white garments with which I was clothed the moths will eat.
(k) The garlands of my crown with which thou hast exalted me will wither and dry up.
(l) And my garments of fine needlework in blue and purple the worm shall destroy.
(m) And now my friends will lament all the days of my mourning."

It will be seen that J has some equivalent for every clause (though in (g) he has wandered far from the text).

In (b) he read sedens in uirginitate or ingenuitate with the Tres MSS.: in (k) "garlands of my crown" seems nearer to flores corone of VR. For the rest he is too paraphrastic to be followed closely.

It is very odd that three times over in this short passage the words in genua mea, genuam meam, in genuam meam should occur in one of the groups, each time disturbing the sense, while another group somehow avoids the difficulty. It looks suspicious for the group which does so. But the evidence of the Tres group is not to be lightly dismissed. It would justify a theory that where the words first occur they are corrupt for ingenuitate, that on the second occasion an obscurity of a few letters genu . . . eam, present in the ancestor of the other MSS., was not in that of the Tres group: and that in the third case the words are merely intrusive--perhaps wrongly inserted from a margin. Another blurring of a few letters would account for the differences between moysi and preciosi, and between odoris and odoramenti. But I do not regard this as a really satisfactory explanation.


Footnotes

12:1 The important sentences in the original are : ut sensimus . . . exemplaria, quorum duo habuimus, tam constanter tamque ex composito mendos suos tueri, consilium, quod mutandorum quorundam coeperamus, plane abiecimus, imitati id quod utrumque exemplar haberet, quae tamen ita erant inter se similia, ut nec ouum diceres ouo magis, ut dubium mihi non esset, quin ex altero esset alterum descriptum, utcunque magno loci intervallo dissita. Quippe attuleramus commodum illud Fuldense uestrum, cum antea ex Laurissensi coenobio impetrassemus pervetustum quidem illud, et quod nobis felicissimae editionis magnam spem fecerat: sed progressos paululum non modo foede destituit, sed et fecit ut praeproperae nos editionis plurimum. poeniteret . . . dedimus operam ut ab exemplaribus quam minimum discederemus, ut sicubi fortasse extaret aliud exemplar, id quod tum inaudieramus, eius collatione nostra . . . absolverentur.

15:1 P. Lehmann: Johannes Sichardus und die von ihm benutzten Bibliotheken und Handschriften (Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Lateinische Philologie des Mittelalters, IV. 1. 19 12).

16:1 Dr. Lehmann quotes a number of instances in which Sichardus has deviated from the MS. in spelling: he is also clear that conjecture was resorted to. This last statement applies especially, I think, to the Quaestiones.

16:2 The printed catalogue gives the title of the Antiquities in 4569 and 18481 as Historia ab initio mundi usque ad Dauid regem. In 18481 it is preceded by Jerome's notice of Philo.

21:1 In XVI. 7 in syna seems to be a mistake for in gyro.

The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, 4. TITLE, AND ATTRIBUTION TO PHILO

THE BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES OF PHILO

TRANSLATED FROM THE OLD LATIN VERSION
BY

M. R. JAMES, LITT.D., F.B.A.


4. TITLE, AND ATTRIBUTION TO PHILO.

4. The TITLE of the book is somewhat of a puzzle. Sichardus calls it Philonis Judaei antiquitatum Biblicarum liber, the Fulda catalogue (and the label on the Fulda MS.) Philonis antiquitatum liber; a late title in the same MS. is: libri Philonis iudei de initio mundi; P has a title of cent. XV.: Philo iudeus de successione generationum veteris testamenti; R, in the colophon: "ystoria Philonis ab initio mundi usque ad David regem" (so also two at least of the Munich M SS.); Trithemius has De generationis successu. Sixtus Senensis has two notices of the book: in the first, which is drawn from Sichardus., he calls it Biblicarum antiquitatum liber; in the second, which depends on some MS., his words are: "In Gen. Cap. 5 de successione generis humani liber unus, continens enarrationem genealogiae seu posteritatis Adae. Liber incipit: Ἀδὰμ ἐγέννησε Adam genuittres filios." The two Greek words I take to be no more than a re-translation from Latin. The MS. V has no title at all.

Thus we have authority for three names. The first, Biblicarum antiquitatum, I think, must be in part due to Sichardus; the epithet "Biblicarum" savours to my mind of the Renaissance, and has no certain MS. attestation. "Antiquitatum" (which is as old as cent. XIV.) is probably due to a recollection of Josephus's great work, the Jewish Antiquities. The other name, de successione generationum or the like, has rather better attestation, and: Historia ab initio mundi, etc. (if original in the Munich MSS.) the oldest of all. I can hardly believe, however, that any of them are original; it seems more probable that some Biblical name was prefixed to the book when it was first issued. Rather out of respect to the first editor than for any better reason I have retained the title Biblical Antiquities, under which the text was introduced to the modern world.

The ATTRIBUTION TO PHILO I regard as due to the accident that the text was transmitted in company with genuine Philonic writings.Certainly, if the Antiquities had come down to us by themselves, no one in his senses could have thought of connecting them with Philo; unless, indeed, knowing of but two Jewish authors, Philo and Josephus, he assumed that, since one had written a history of the Jews, the other must needs have followed suit.

The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, 2. HISTORY OF THE BOOK

THE BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES OF PHILO

TRANSLATED FROM THE OLD LATIN VERSION
BY

M. R. JAMES, LITT.D., F.B.A.


2. HISTORY OF THE BOOK.

2. (a) The HISTORY OF THE BOOK, as known to us, can be shortly told. It was printed by Adam Petri in 1527, at Basle, in a small folio volume, along with the genuine Philo's Quaestiones et Solutiones in Genesim 1 and a fragment of the De Vita contemplativa (called De Essaeis). These were followed by the Onomasticon (de Nominibus Hebraicis) ascribed in Philo, in Jerome's version, and a Latin rendering of the De Mundo by Guillaume Bud The whole volume is in Latin, and was edited by Joannes Sichardus: for the first three tracts he used two manuscripts, from Fulda and Lorsch, of which more hereafter. In 1538 Henricus Petri (son of Adam) reprinted this collection in a quarto volume, which I have not seen, and in 1550 included it all in a larger collection of patristic writings called Micropresbyticon. In 1552 our book (without the accompanying tracts) was printed from Sichardus' text in a small volume issued by Gryphius at Lyons, under the title Antiquitatum diversi auctores, and in 1599 in a similar collection Historia antiqua, by Commelin, at Heidelberg, edited by Juda Bonutius.

During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Philo was read and occasionally quoted, e.g. by Sixtus Senensis in the Bibliotheca Sancta, and by Pineda in his treatise on Solomon: but the greatest critics and scholars of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries seem never to have seen it. J. A. Fabricius would certainly have accorded it a place in his Codex pseudepigraphus Veteris Testamenti if he had read it: and very little escaped his notice. He does speak of it in his Bibliotheca Graeca (ed. Harles, IV. 743, 746), but only from the point of view of the editions. It is not too much to say that the chance which kept it from him has kept it also from the flock of scholars who have followed him like sheep for two hundred years. The first investigator to pay any attention to it seems to have been Cardinal J. B. Pitra. In the Spicilegium Solesmense (1855, II. 345 note, III. 335 note, etc.) there are allusions to it: in the later Analecta Sacra (II. 321; 1884) he printed the Lament of Jephthah's daughter from a Vatican MS. of it, treating it as a known work, and referring to the printed edition.

In 1893 I came upon four detached fragments in a manuscript at Cheltenham, in the Phillipps collection, and printed them as a new discovery in a volume of Apocrypha Anecdota (1st series, Texts and Studies, II. 3). No one who reviewed the book in England or abroad recognized that they were taken from a text already in print. At length, in 1898, the late Dr. L. Cohn, who was engaged for many years upon an edition of Philo's works, published in the Jewish Quarterly Review an article in which the source of my fragments was pointed out and a very full account given of the whole book, with copious quotations. This article of Dr. Cohn's is at present our standard source of information. Nothing to supersede it has, so far as I know, appeared since. A few scholars, but on the whole surprisingly few, have used Philo in recent years, notably Mr. H. St. John Thackeray in his book, The Relation of St. Paul to Contemporary Jewish Thought.

(b) Can we trace the history of Philo further back than the printed edition of 1527 by means of quotations or allusions to it? The whole body of evidence is remarkably small. At the very end of the fifteenth century Joannes Trithemius, Abbot of Sponheim, writes a book, De Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, printed at Paris in 1512. On f. 18b is a notice of Philo, derived principally from Jerome, and a list of his writings. Among these he includes De generationum successu, lib. I. (which is our book), and adds the opening words: Adam genuit tres filios, which shows that he had seen the text. It is the only item so distinguished in all his list. Then, going back and setting aside certain extracts from the text (of which we shall speak under the head of authorities), we find, in the twelfth century, Petrus Comestor of Troyes, in his Historia Scholastica (one of the famous text-books of the Middle Ages), making a single incorrect quotation from our book (V. 8). He calls his source 'Philo the Jew, or, as some say, a heathen philosopher, in his book of questions upon Genesis': the words show that he was quoting a manuscript which contained that work as well as our text. His quotation is borrowed by several later mediaeval chroniclers.

In the catalogues of monastic libraries Philo is of rare occurrence. The Fulda catalogue of the sixteenth century 1 has "Repertorii noni ordo primus, liber Philonis antiquitatum 36." The number 36 is the older library number, perhaps as old as the thirteenth century, which was written on the cover of the volume. This was one of the two manuscripts used by Sichardus: we shall return to it.

In the twelfth century a monk writes to the Abbot of Tegernsee for the loan of the "liber Philonis." In 831 the abbey of St. Riquier, near Abbeville, has in its catalogue "liber Philonis Judaeiunum volumen." Both these references may be found in Becker's Catalogi. 1

One possible hint, and one only, of the existence of Philo in the Eastern Church is known to me. The Taktikon of Nicon, cap. 13, in the Slavonic version, as quoted by Berendts (Zacharias-Apokrypken, p. 5, note 3), reckons among the canonical books of the Old Testament "the Palaea (the Eastern text-book of Bible history comparable to the Historia Scholastica in the West) and Philo."

The Decretum Gelasianum of the fifth or sixth century condemns, among many other apocryphal books, "liber de filiabus Adae Leptogeneseos." The natural and usual interpretation of the words is that they refer to the Book of Jubilees, which the Greeks called ἡ λεπτὴ γένεσισ, but it is worth noting that Philo mentions the daughters of Adam in the first few lines, whereas in Jubilees they do not occur before the fourth chapter.

I know of nothing in earlier centuries which looks like an allusion to Philo, unless it be a passage in Origen on John (Tom. VI. 14.) in which he says 2 : "I know not what is the motive of the Jewish tradition that Phinees the son of Eleazar, who admittedly lived through the days of many of the Judges, is the same as Elias, and that immortality was promised to him in Numbers (XXV. 12)," with more to the same effect. He refers to no book, but to a tradition which is, in fact, preserved in several Midrashim. The identification is found in Philo, c. XLVIII. See the note in loc.


Footnotes

8:1 A volume issued by Ascensius at Paris in I 520, edited by Aug. Justiniani, contained only the Quaestiones et Sol. in Genesim.

10:1 C. Scherer, Der Fuldaer Handschriften-Katalog aus dem 16 Jahrh. (Centralblatt f. Bibliothekswesen XXVI. p. 105; 1902).

11:1 The Abbey of St. Bertin and that of Corbie in Picardy in their twelfth-century catalogues (Becker, nos. 77, 247, 79, 263) both have an entry of Questiones in Genesim; seemingly not those of St. Jerome, which occur elsewhere in the catalogues.

11:2 καὶ περὶ μετωνυμίασ γάρ, ὡσ ἐν ἀποκρύφοισ, οὐκ οἶδα πόθεν κινούμενοι οἱ ἑβραῖοι παραδιδόασι Φινεέσ, τὸν Ἐλεαζάρου υἱόν, ὁμολογουμένωσ παρατείναντα τὴν ζωὴν ἔωσ πολλῶν κριτῶν, ὡσ ἐν τοῖσ κριταῖσ ἀνέγνωμεν, αἰτὸν εἶναι Ἠλίαν, καὶ τὸ ἀθάνατον ἐν τοῖσ Ἀριθμοῖσ αὐτῷ, διὰ τῆσ ὀνομαζομένησ εἰρήνησ ἐπηγγέλθαι, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ζηλώσασ. . . ἐξεκέντησε τὴν Μαδιανῖτιν, κ.τ.λ.

The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, 1. Introduction

THE BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES OF PHILO

TRANSLATED FROM THE OLD LATIN VERSION
BY

M. R. JAMES, LITT.D., F.B.A.


1. INTRODUCTION

GENERAL

THE book now presented to English readers has never been translated before: not only is this so, but the very existence of it has remained unknown to the great mass of students for over three hundred years, although it was printed no less than five times in the course of the sixteenth century.

What is it, and why is it worth reviving after so long a period of oblivion? It is a Bible history, reaching, in its present imperfect form, from Adam to the death of Saul. It has come to us only in a Latin translation (made from Greek, and that again from a Hebrew original), and by an accident the name of the great Jewish philosopher of the first century, Philo, has been attached to it. Let me say at once that the attribution of it to him is wholly unfounded, and quite ridiculous: nevertheless I shall use his name in italics (Philo) as a convenient short title.

Its importance lies in this, that it is a genuine and unadulterated Jewish book of the first century--a product of the same school as the Fourth Book of Esdras and the Apocalypse of Baruch, and written, like them, in the years which followed the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70. It is thus contemporary with some of the New Testament writings, and throws light upon them as well as upon the religious thought of the Jews of its time.

Subscribe to this RSS feed

Log in or create an account