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The Sacred theory of the Earth

The Sacred theory of the Earth (191)

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

Containing an Account
OF THE
Original of the Earth
AND OF ALL THE

GENERAL CHANGES

Which it hath already undergone

OR

IS TO UNDERGO

Till the CONSUMMATION of all Things

by Thomas Burnet

The Second Edition,

LONDON

Printed by R. Norton, for Walter Kettilby, at the Biƒhops-Head in St. Paul's Church-Yard

[1691]

Thomas Burnet, born 1635 deceased 1715

NOTICE OF ATTRIBUTION

Scanned at sacred-texts.com, July 2005. Proofed and formatted by John Bruno Hare. This text is in the public domain worldwide. These files may be used for any non-commercial purpose provided this notice of attribution accompanies all copies.

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Atlantis, the Antediluvian World

Atlantis, the Antediluvian World (39)

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Atlantis the Antediluvian World

 by Ignatius Donnelly

[1882]


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A Dweller on two Planets

A Dweller on two Planets (55)

phylos-title

phylos-title

A DWELLER ON TWO PLANETS

OR

THE DIVIDING OF THE WAY

BY

PHYLOS THE THIBETAN

(Otherwise named, in fulness, Yol Gorro, author of this book.)

phylos-title


 

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Ragnarok

Ragnarok (35)

Ragnarok

THE AGE OF FIRE AND GRAVEL.

BY

IGNATIUS DONNELLY

AUTHOR OF "ATLANTIS: THE ANTEDILUVIAN WORLD."

[1883]


 

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Book III: Chapter I

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

by Thomas Burnet

Book 3

Concerning the Conflagration.


CHAPTER I

THE INTRODUCTION

With the Contents and Order of this Work.

SEEING Providence hath planted in all Men a natural desire and curiosity of knowing things to come; and such things especially as concern our particular Happiness, or the general Fate of mankind: This Treatise may, in both respects, hope for a favourable reception amongst inquisitive persons; seeing the design of it is, to give an account of the greatest revolutions of Nature that are expected in future Ages; and in the first place, of the Conflagration of the World. In which Universal Calamity, when all Nature suffers, every man's particular concern must needs be involved.

We see with what eagerness men pry into the Stars, to see if they can read there the Death of a King, or the fall of an Empire: Tis not the fate of any single Prince or Potentate, that we Calculate, but of all Mankind: Nor of this or that particular Kingdom or Empire, but of the whole Earth. Our enquiries must reach to that great period of Nature, when all things are to be dissolv'd: both humane affairs, and the Stage whereon they are acted. When the Heavens and the Earth will pass away, and the Elements melt with fervent heat. We desire, if possible, to know what will be the face of that Day, that great and terrible Day, when the Regions of the Air will be nothing but mingled Flame and Smoak, and the habitable Earth turned into a Sea of molten Fire.

But we must not leave the World in this disorder and confusion, without examining what will be the Issue and Consequences of it. Whether this will be the End of all things, and Nature, by a sad fate, lie eternally dissolved and desolate in this manner: or whether we may hope for a Restauration: New Heavensand a New Earth, which the Holy Writings make mention of, more pure and perfect than the former. As if this was but as a Refiner's fire, to purge out the dross and courser parts, and then cast the Mass again into a new and better Mould. These things, with God's assistance, shall be matter of our present enquiry; These make the general subject of this Treatise, and of the remaining parts of this Theoryof the Earth. Which now, you see, begins to be a kind of Prophecy, or Prognostication of things to come: as it hath been hitherto an History of things passed; of such states and changes as Nature hath already undergone. And if that account which we have given of the Origine of the Earth, its first and Paradisiacal form, and the dissolution of it at the universal Deluge, appear fair and reasonable: The Second dissolution by Fire, and the renovation of it out of a second Chaos, I hope will be deduced from as clear grounds and suppositions. And Scripture it self will be a more visible Guide to us in these following parts of the Theory, than it was in the former. In the mean time, I take occasion to declare here again, as I have done heretofore, that neither this, nor any other great revolutions of Nature, are brought to pass, by causes purely natural, without the conduct of a particular Providence. And tis the Sacred Books of Scripture that are the records of this Providence, both as to times past, and times to come: as to all the signal Changes either of the Natural World, or of Mankind, and the different Oeconomies of Religion. In which respects, these Books, tho they did not contain a Moral Law, would notwithstanding be, as the most mystical, so also the most valuable Books in the World.

This Treatise, you see, will consist of Two Parts: The former whereof is to give an account of the Conflagration; and the latter, of the New Heavens and New Earthfollowing upon it; together with the state of Mankind in those new Habitations. As to the Conflagration, we first enquire, what the Antients thought concerning the present frame of this World; whether it was to perish or no: whether to be destroyed, or to stand eternally in this posture. Then in what manner they thought it would be destroyed; by what force or violence; whether by Fire or other ways. And with these opinions of the Antients we will compare the doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles, to discover and confirm the truth of them. In the Second place, We will examine what Calculations or Conjectures have been made concerning the time of this great Catastrophe, or of the end of this World. Whether that period be defineable or no: and whether by natural Arguments, or by Prophecies. Thirdly, We will consider the Signs of the approaching Conflagration: Whether such as will be in Nature, or in the State of humane Affairs; but especially such as are taken notice of and recorded in Scripture. Fourthly, which is the principal point, and yet that wherein the Antients have been most silent, What Causesthere are in Nature, what preparations, for this Conflagration: Where are the Seeds of this universal Fire, or fewel sufficient for the nourishing of it? Lastly, in what order and by what degrees the Conflagration will proceed: In what manner the frame of the Earth will be dissolv'd: and what will be the dreadful countenance of a Burning World.

These heads are set down more fully in the Arguments of each Chapter; and seem to be sufficient for the explication of this whole matter: Taking in some additional discourses, which, in pursuing these heads, enter of their own accord, and make the work more even and intire. In the second Part, we restore the World that we had destroy'd: Build new Heavens and a new Earth, wherein Righteousness shall dwell. Establish that new order of things, which is so often celebrated by the Prophets: A Kingdom of Peace and of Justice, where the Enemy of Mankind shall be bound, and the Prince of Peace shall rule. A Paradise without a Serpent, and a Tree of Knowledge, not to wound, but to heal the Nations.

Where will be neither curse, nor pain, nor death, nor disease. Where all things are new, all things are more perfect: both the World it self, and its Inhabitants. Where the First-born from the Dead, have the First-fruits of glory.

We dote upon this present World, and the enjoyments of it: and tis not without pain, and fear, and reluctancy, that we are torn from them: as if our hopes lay all within the compass of this life. Yet, I know not by what good fate, my thoughts have been always fixt upon things to come, more than upon things present. These I know, by certain experience, to be but trifles; and if there be nothing more considerable to come, the whole Being of Man is no better than a trifle. But there is room enough before us in that we call Eternith, for great and noble Scenes: and the mind of Man feels it self lessened and straitened in this low and narrow state: wishes and waits to see something greater. And if it could discern another World a coming, on this side eternal life; a beginning Glory, the best that Earth can bear, It woued be a kind of Immortality to enjoy that prospect before-hand; To see, when this Theater is dissolved, where we shall act next, and what parts. What Saints and Hero's, if I may so say, will appear upon that Stage; and with what luster and excellency. How easie would it be, under a view of these futurities, to despise the little pomps and honours, and the momentary pleasures of a mortal life. But I proceed to our Subject.


Contents Book 3 and 4

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

by Thomas Burnet

THE THEORY OF THE EARTH

THE TWO LAST BOOKS

Concerning theBURNING of theWORLD AND Concerning the NEW HEAVENS and NEW EARTH.


CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS

THE THIRD BOOK

CHAPTER I

THE Introduction; with the Contents and Order of this Treatise.

CHAPTER II

The true state of the Question is proposed. ’Tis the general doctrine of the Ancients, That the present World, or the present Frame of Nature, is mutable and perishable: To which the Sacred Books agree: And natural Reason can alledge nothing against it.

CHAPTER III

That the World will be destroyed by Fire, is the doctrine of the Ancients, especially of the Stoicks. That the same doctrine is more ancient than the Greeks, and derived from the BarbarickPhilosophy, and That probably from Noah, the Father of all Traditionary Learning. The same doctrine expresly authorized by Revelation, and inrolled into the Sacred Canon.

CHAPTER IV

Concerning the Time of the Conflagration, and the End of the World. What the Astronomers say upon this Subject, and upon what they ground their Calculations. The true notion of the Great Year, or of the Platonick Year, stated and explained.

CHAPTER V

Concerning Prophecies that determine the End of the World; Of what order soever, Prophane or Sacred: Jewish or Christian. That no certain judgment can be made from any of them, at which distance we are from the Conflagration.

CHAPTER VI

Concerning the Causes of the Conflagration. The difficulty of conceiving how this Earth can be set on fire. With a general answer to that difficulty. Two supposed Causes of the Conflagration, by the Sun's drawing nearer to the Earth, or the Earth's throwing out the Central Fire, examined and rejected.

CHAPTER VII

The true bounds of the last Fire, and how far it is Fatal. The natural Causes and Materials of it, cast into three ranks. First, such as are exteriour and visible upon Earth. Where the Volcano's of this Earth, and their Effects are considered. Secondly, such Materials as are within the Earth. Thirdly, such as are in the Air.

CHAPTER VIII

Some new dispositions towards the Conflagration, as to the Matter, Form, and Situation of the Earth. Concerning miraculous Causes, and how far the ministery of Angels may be engaged in this work.

CHAPTER IX

How the Sea will be diminished and consumed. How the Rocks and Mountains will he thrown down and melted, and the whole exteriour Frame of the Earth dissolved into a Deluge of Fire.

CHAPTER X

Concerning the beginning and progress of the Conflagration, what part of the Earth will first be burnt. The manner of the future destruction of Rome. The last state and consummation of the general Fire.

CHAPTER XI

An Account of those Extraordinary Phenomena and Wonders in Nature, that, according to Scripture, will precede the coming of Christ, and the Conflagration of the World.

CHAPTER XII

An imperfect description of the coming of our Saviour, and of the World on fire.

The Conclusion.


THE FOURTH BOOK

CHAPTER I

THE Introduction: That the World will not be annihilated in the last fire. That we are to expect, according to Scripture, and the Christian doctrine, New Heavens and a New Earth, when these are dissolved or burnt up.

CHAPTER II

The Birth of the New Heavens and the New Earth, from the second Chaos, or the remains of the old World. The form, order and qualities of the new Earth, according to Reason and Scripture.

CHAPTER III

Concerning the Inhabitants of the New Earth. That natural reason cannot determine this point. That, according to Scripture, The Sons of the first Resurrection, or the heirs of the Millennium, are to be the Inhabitants of the New Earth. The Testimony of the Philosophers, and of the Christian Fathers, for the Renovation of the World. The first Proposition laid down.

CHAPTER IV

The Proof of a Millennium, or of a blessed Age to come, from Scripture. A view of the Apocalypse, and of the Prophecies of Daniel, in reference to this kingdom of Christ, and of his Saints.

CHAPTER V

A view of other places of Scripture, concerning the Millennium, or future kingdom of Christ. In what sence all the Prophets have born Testimony concerning it.

CHAPTER VI

The sence and testimony of the Primitive Church, concerning the Millennium, or future kingdom of Christ: from the times of the Apostles to the Nicene Council. The second Proposition laid down. When, by what means, and for what reasons, that doctrine was afterwards neglected or discountenanced.

CHAPTER VII

The true state of the Millennium, according to Characters taken from Scripture. Some mistakes concerning it rectified.

CHAPTER VIII

The third Proposition laid down, concerning the Time and Place of the Millennium. Several arguments used to Evidence, that it cannot be till after the Conflagration: and that the New Heavens and New Earth are the true Seat of the Blessed Millennium.

CHAPTER IX

The chief employment of the Millennium, DEVOTION and CONTEMPLATION.

CHAPTER X

Objections against the Millennium, answered. With some conjectures concerning the state of things after the Millennium: and what will be the final Consummation of this World.

A Review of the whole Theory.


Preface to the Reader, Book III

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

by Thomas Burnet

THE THEORY OF THE EARTH

THE TWO LAST BOOKS

Concerning theBURNING of theWORLD AND Concerning the NEW HEAVENS and NEW EARTH.


PREFACE TO THE READER

I HAVE not much to say to the Reader in this Preface to the Third Part of the Theory: seeing it treats upon a Subject owned by all, and out of dispute: The Conflagration of the World. The question will be only about the bounds and limits of the Conflagration, the Causes and the Manner of it. These I have fixed according to the truest measures I could take from Scripture, and from Nature. I differ, I believe, from the common Sentiment in this, that, in following St. Peter's Philosophy, I suppose, that the burning of the Earth will be a true Liquefaction or dissolution of it, as to the exteriour Region. And that this lays a foundation for New Heavensand a New Earth; which seems to me as plain a doctrine in Christian Religion, as the Conflagration it self.

I have endeavoured to propose an intelligible way, whereby the Earth may be consumed by Fire. But if any one can propose another, more probable and more consistent, I will be the first man that shall give him thanks for his discovery. He that loves Truth for its own sake, is willing to receive it from any hand: as he that truly loves his Country, is glad of a Victory over the Enemy, whether himself, or any other, has the glory of it. I need not repeat here, what I have already said upon several occasions, That ’tis the substance of this Theory, whether in this part or in other parts, that I mainly regard and depend upon. Being willing to suppose that many single explications and particularities may be rectified, upon further thoughts and clearer light. I know our best writings, in this life, are but Essays, which we leave to Posterity to review and correct.

As to the Style, I always endeavour to express my self, in a plain and perspicuous manner: that the Reader may not lose time, nor wait too long, to know my meaning. To give an Attendant quick dispatch, is a civility, whether you do his business or no. I would not willingly give any one the trouble of reading a period twice over, to know the sence of it: lest when he comes to know it, he should not think it a recompence for his pains. Whereas, on the contrary, if you are easie to your Reader, he will certainly make you an allowance for it, in his censure.

You must not think it strange however, that the Author sometimes, in meditating upon this subject, is warm in his thoughts and expressions. For to see a World perishing in Flames, Rocks melting, the Earth trembling, and an Host of Angels in the clouds, one must be very much a Stoick, to be a cold and unconcerned Spectator of all this. And when we are moved our selves, our words will have a tincture of those passions which we feel. Besides, in moral reflections which are designed for use, there must be some heat, as well as dry reason, to inspire this cold clod of clay, this dull body of earth, which we carry about with us; and you must soften and pierce that crust, before you can come at the Soul. But especially when things future are to be represented, you cannot use too strong Colours, if you would give them life, and make them appear present to the mind. Farewel.


Title Page Book III and IV

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

by Thomas Burnet

THE THEORY OF THE EARTH

Containing an Account of the Original of the Earth AND OF ALL THE GENERAL CHANGES Which it hath already undergone, OR IS TO UNDERGO Till the CONSUMMATION of all Things.

THE TWO LAST BOOKS,

Concerning theBURNING of theWORLD,

AND

Concerning the NEW HEAVENS and NEW EARTH.

LONDON,

Printed by R. Norton, for Walter Kettilby, at the Biƒhops-Head in S. Paul's Church-Yard, 1690.


Portrait of the Author: Frontispiece to Books 3 and 4 Click to enlarge
Portrait of the Author: Frontispiece to Books 3 and 4

Title Page of Books 3 and 4 Click to enlarge
Title Page of Books 3 and 4


Book II: Chapter X

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

by Thomas Burnet

THE THEORY OF THE EARTH

Book 2

Concerning the PRIMAL EARTH, AND PARADISE.


CHAPTER X

Concerning the Author of Nature.

SEEING the Theory which we have proposed in this Work is of that extent and comprehension, that it begins with the first foundation of this World, and is to reach to the last Period of it, in one continued Series or chain of Nature; It will not be improper, before we conclude, to make some reflections and remarks what Natureis, and upon what Superiour Causes she depends in all her Motions and Operations: And this will lead us to the discovery of the Authorof Nature, and to the true Notion and state of Natural Providence, which seems to have been hitherto very much neglected, or little understood in the World. And ’tis the more reasonable and fitting, that we should explain these Notions before we shut up this Treatise, lest those Natural Explications which we have given of the Deluge, and other things, should be mistaken or misapplied; Seeing some are apt to run away with pieces of a Discourse, which they think applicable to their purpose, or which they can maliciously represent, without attending to the scope or just limitations of what is spoken.

By Naturein general is understood All the Powers of Finite Beings, with the Laws establisht for their action and conduct, according to the ordinary course of things. And this extends both to Intellectual Beings and Corporeal; but seeing ’tis only the Material World that hath been the subject of our Discourse, Nature, as to that, may be defined, The Powers of Matter, with the Laws establisht for their action and conduct. Seeing also Matter hath no action, whether from it self, or imprest upon it, but Motion, as to the Corporeal World Nature is no more than The powers and capacities of Matter, with the Laws that govern the Motions of it. And this definition is so plain and easie, that, I believe, all parties will agree in it; There will also be no great controversie what these Laws are, As that one part of Matter cannot penetrate another, nor be in several places at once; That the greater Body overcomes the less, and the swifter the slower; That all Motion is in a right line, till something obstruct it or divert it; which are points little disputed as to the matter of fact; but the points concerning which the controversie ariseth, and which are to lead us to the Author of Nature, are these, Whoor whatis the Author of these Laws? of this Motion? and even of Matterit self; and of all those modes and forms of it which we see in Nature?

The Question useth chiefly to be put concerning Motion, how it came into the World; what the first Source of it is, or how Matter came at first to be moved? For the simple notion of Matter, not divided into parts, nor diversified, doth not imply Motion, but Extension only; ’Tis true, from Extension there necessarily follows mobility, or a capacity of being moved by an External power, but not actual or necessary Motion springing from it self. For dimensions, or length, breadth, and depth, which is the Ideaof Matter, or of a Body, do no way include local Motion, or translation of parts; on the contrary, we do more easily and naturally conceive simple Extension as a thing steddy and fixt, and if we conceive Motion in it, or in its parts, we must superadd something to our first thought, and something that does not flow from Extension. As when we conceive a Figure, a Triangle, Square, or any other, we naturally conceive it fixt or quiescent, and if afterwards we imagine it in Motion, that is purely accidental to the Figure; in like manner it is accidental to Matter, that there should be Motion in it, it hath no inward principle from whence that can flow, and its Nature is compleat without it; Wherefore if we find Motion and Action in Matter, which is of it self a dead inactive mass, this should lead us immediately to the Author of Nature, or to some External power distinct from Matter, which is the Cause of all Motion in the World.

In single Bodies, and single parts of Matter, we readily believe and conclude, that they do not move, unless something move them, and why should we not conclude the same thing of the whole mass? If a Rock or Mountain cannot move it self, nor divide it self, either into great gobbets, or into small powder, why should it not be as impossible for the whole mass of Matter to do so? ’Tis true, Matter is capable both of motion and rest, yet to conceive it undivided, un-diversified and unmoved, is certainly a more simple Notion, than to conceive it divided and moved; and this being first in order of Nature, and an adequate conception too, we ought to inquire and give our selves an account how it came out of this state, and by what Causes, or, as we said before, how Motion came first into the World.

In the second place, That diversity which we see in Nature, both as to the qualities of Matter, and the compositions of it, being one step further than bare Motion, ought also to be a further indication of the Author of Nature, and to put us upon inquiry into the Causes of this diversity. There is nothing more uniform than simple Extension, nothing more the same throughout, all of a piece, and all of a sort, similar, and like to it self every where, yet we find the matter of the Universe diversified a thousand ways, into Heavens and Earth, Air and Waters, Stars, Meteors, Light, Darkness, Stones, Wood, Animals, and all Terrestrial Bodies; These diversifications are still further removes from the natural unity and identity of Matter, and a further argument of some external and superiour power that hath given these different forms to the several portions of Matter by the intervention of Motion. For if you exclude the Author of Nature, and suppose nothing but Matter in the World, take whether Hypothesisyou will, either that Matter is without Motion of it self, or that it is of it self in Motion, there could not arise this diversity, and these compositions in it. If it was without Motion, then the case is plain, for it would be nothing but an hard inflexible lump of impenetrable extension, without any diversity at all. And if you suppose it moved of it self, or to have an innate Motion, that would certainly hinder all sort of natural concretions and compositions, and in effect destroy all Continuity. For Motion, if it be essential to Matter, it is essential to every Atome of it, and equally diffused throughout all its parts; and all those parts or Atomes would be equal to one another, and as little as possible; For if Matter was divided into parts by its own innate Motion, that would melt it down into parts as little as possible, and consequently all equal to one another, there being no reason why you should stop those divisions, or the effect of this innate impetusin any one part sooner than in another, or in any part indeed till it was divided as much as was possible; Wherefore upon this principle, or in this method, all the Matter of the Universe would be one liquid or volatile mass, smaller than pin-dust, nay, than Air or Æther: And there would be no diversity of forms, only another sort of identity from the former. And so, upon the whole, you see, that Matter, whether we allow it Motion, or no Motion, could not come into that variety of tempers and compositions in which we find it in the World, without the influence and direction of a Superior external Cause, which we call the Author of Nature.

But there is still a further and stronger Argument from this Head, if we consider not only the diversity of Bodies, that the mass of Matter is cut into, but also that that diversity is regular, and in some parts of it admirably artful and ingenious. This will not only lead us to an Author of Nature, but to such an Author as hath Wisdom as well as Power. Matter is a brute Being, stupid and senseless, and though we should suppose it to have a force to move it self, yet that it should be able to meditate and consult, and take its measures how to frame a World, a regular and beautiful structure, consisting of such and such parts and Regions, and adapted to such and such purposes, this would be too extravagant to imagine; to allow it not only Motion from it self, but Wit and Judgment too; and that before it came into any Organical or Animate composition.

You'll say, it may be, The Frame of the World was not the result of counsel and consultation, but of necessity; Matter being once in Motion under the conduct of those Laws that are essential to it, it wrought it self by degrees from one state into another, till at length it came into the present form which we call the World. These are words thrown out at random, without any pretence of ground, only to see if they can be confuted; And so they may easily be, for we have shown already, that if Matter had innate Motion, it would be so far from running into the orderly and well disposed frame of the World, that it would run into no frame at all, into no forms, or compositions, or diversity of Bodies; but would either be all fluid, or all solid; either every single particle in a separate Motion, or all in one continued mass with an universal tremor, or inclination to move without actual separation; And either of these two states is far from the form of a World. Secondly, as to the Laws of Motion, as some of them are essential to Matter, so others are not demonstrable, but upon supposition of an Author of Nature. And thirdly, though all the Laws of Motion be admitted, they cannot bring Matter into the form of a World, unless some measures be taken at first by an intelligent Being; I say some measures be taken to determine the primary Motions upon which the rest depend, and to put them in a way that leads to the formation of a World. The mass must be divided into Regions, and Centers fixt, and Motions appropriated to them; and it must be considered of what magnitude the first Bodies, or the first divisions of Matter should be, and how mov'd: Besides, there must be a determinate proportion, and certain degree of motion imprest upon the universal Matter, to qualifie it for the production of a World; if the dose was either too strong or too weak, the work would miscarry; And nothing but infinite Wisdom could see thorough the effects of every proportion, or every new degree of Motion, and discern which was best for the beginning, progress, and perfection of a World. So you see the Author of Nature is no way excluded, or made useless by the Laws of Motion, nor if Matter was promiscuously moved would these be sufficient causes of themselves to produce a World, or that regular diversity of Bodies that compose it.

But ’tis hard to satisfie men against their inclinations, or their interest: And as the regularity of the Universe was always a great stumbling-stone to the Epicuræans; so they have endeavoured to make shifts of all sorts to give an account and answer to it, without recourse to an intelligent Principle; And for their last refuge, they say, that Chance might bring that to pass, which Nature and Necessity could not do; The Atoms might hit upon a lucky sett of Motions, which though it were casual and fortuitous, might happily lead them to the forming of a World. A lucky hit indeed, for Chance to frame a World: But this is a meer shuffle and collusion; for if there was nothing in Nature but Matter, there could be no such thing as Chance, all would be pure mechanical necessity; and so this answer, though it seem very different, is the same in effect with the former, and Epicuruswith his Atomists are obliged to give a just mechanical account, how all the parts of Nature, the most compound and elaborate parts not excepted, rise from their Atoms by pure necessity: There could be no accidental concourse or coalition of them, every step, every motion, every composition was fatal and necessary. And therefore ’tis non-sence for an Epicuræanto talk of Chance, as Chance is opposed to Necessity; And if they oppose it to Counseland Wisdom, ’tis little better than non-sence, to say the World and all its furniture rise by Chance, in that notion of it. But it will deserve our patience a little to give a more full and distinct answer to this, seeing it reacheth all their pleas and evasions at once.

What proof or demonstration of Wisdom and Counsel can be given, or can be desired, that is not found in some part of the World, Animate or Inanimate? We know but a little portion of the Universe, a meer point in comparison, and a broken point too, and yet in this broken point, or some small parcels of it, there is more of Art, Counsel and Wisdom shewn, than in all the works of men taken together, or than in all our ArtificialWorld. In the construction of the Body of an Animal, there is more of thought and contrivance, more of exquisite invention, and fit disposition of parts, than is in all the Temples, Palaces, Ships, Theaters, or any other pieces of Architecture the World ever yet see: And not Architecture only, but all other Mechanism whatsoever, Engines, Clockwork, or any other, is not comparable to the Body of a living Creature. Seeing then we acknowledge these artificial works, wheresoever we meet with them, to be the effects of Wit, Understanding and Reason, is it not manifest partiality, or stupidity rather, to deny the works of Nature, which excel these in all degrees, to proceed from an intelligent Principle? Let them take any piece of Humane Art, or any Machine framed by the wit of Man, and compare it with the body of an Animal, either for diversity and multiplicity of workmanship, or curiosity in the minute parts, or just connexion and dependance of one thing upon another, or fit subserviency to the ends proposed, of life, motion, use and ornament to the Creature, and if in all these respects they find it superiour to any work of Humane production, as they certainly must do, why should it be thought to proceed from inferiour and sense-less Causes? ought we not in this, as well as in other things, to proportion the Causes to the Effect? and to speak truth, and bring in an honest Verdict for Nature as well as Art.

In the composition of a perfect Animal, there are four several frames or Compages joyned together, The Natural, Vital, Animal, and Genital; Let them examine any one of these apart, and try if they can find any thing defective or superfluous, or any way inept, for matter or form. Let them view the whole Compages of the Bones, and especially the admirable construction, texture and disposition of the Muscles, which are joyned with them for moving the Body, or its parts. Let them take an account of the little Pipes and Conduits for the juices and the Liquors, of their form and distribution; Or let them take any single Organ to examine, as the Eye, or the Ear, the Hand or the Heart; In each of these they may discover such arguments of Wisdom, and of Art, as will either convince them, or confound them; though still they must leave greater undiscovered. We know little the in-sensible form and contexture of the parts of the Body, nor the just method of their Action; We know not yet the manner, order, and causes of the Motion of the Heart, which is the chief Spring of the whole Machine; and with how little exactness do we understand the Brain, and the parts belonging to it? why of that temper and of that form? how Motions are propagated there, and how conserved? how they answer the several operations of the Mind? why such little discomposures of it disturb our Senses, and upon what little differences in this the great differences of Wits and Genius's depend. Yet seeing in all these Organs, whose make and manner of action we cannot discover, we see however by the Effects, that they are truly fitted for those offices to which Nature hath designed them, we ought in reason to admire that Art which we cannot penetrate; At least we cannot but judge it a thing absurd, that what we have not wit enough to find out or comprehend, we should not allow to be an argument of wit and understanding in the Author, or Inventor of it. This would be against all Logick, common Sense, and common Decorum. Neither do I think it possible to the mind of man, while we attend to evidence, to believe that these, and such like works of Nature came by Chance, as they call it, or without Providence, forecast and wisdom, either in the first Causes, or in the proximate; in the design, or in the execution; in the preparation to them, or in the finishing of them.

Wherefore, in my judgment, if any be of this perswasion, it cannot be so much the effect of their understanding, as of their disposition and inclination; and in moral things, mens opinions do as often spring from the one as from the other. For my part, I do generally distinguish of two sorts of opinions in all men, Inclination-opinions, and Reason'd-opinions; Opinions that grow upon mens Complexions, and Opinions that are the results of their Reason; and I meet with very few that are of a temperament so equal, or a constitution so even poised, but that they incline to one sett of Opinions rather than another, antecedently to all proofs of Reason: And when they have espoused their opinions from that secret sympathy, then they find out as good Reasons as they can to maintain them, and say, nay think sometimes, that ’twas for the sake of those Reasons that they first imbraced them. We may commonly distinguish these Inclination-opinions from the Rational, because we find them accompanied with more Heat than Light, a great deal of eagerness and impatience in defending of them, and but slender arguments. One might give instances of this, both in Sects of Religion and Philosophy, in Platonists, Stoicks, and Epicuræans, that are so by their temper more than their reason, but to our purpose it will be sufficient to instance in one hearty Epicuræan, Lucretius, who is manifestly such, more from his inclination, and the bent of his Spirit, than from the force of Argument. For though his suppositions be very precarious, and his reasonings all along very slight, he will many times strut and triumph, as if he had wrested the Thunder out of Jove's right hand; and a Mathematician is not more confident of his demonstration, than he seems to be of the truth of his shallow Philosophy. From such a principle of natural Complexion as this, I allow a man may be Atheistical, but never from the calm dictate of his Reason; yet he may be as confident, and as tenacious of his Conclusion, as if he had a clear and distinct evidence for it. For I take it to be a true Maxim in Humane Nature, that A strong inclination, with a little evidence, is equivalent to a strong evidence. And therefore we are not to be surprised, if we find men confident in their opinions many times far beyond the degree of their evidence, seeing there are other things, besides evidence, that incline the Will to one Conclusion rather than another. And as I have instanced in Natural Complexion, so Interesthath the same effect upon Humane Nature, because it always begets an inclination to those opinions that favour our interest, and a disinclination to the contrary; And this principle may be another ingredient, and secret perswasive to Atheism; for when men have run themselves so deep into Vice and Immorality, that they expect no benefit from a God, ’tis in a manner necessary to their quiet, and the ease of their mind, that they should fansie there is none; for they are afraid, if there be a God, that he will not stand neuter, and let them alone in another World. This, I say, is necessary to the quiet of their mind, unless they can attain that great Art, which many labour after, of non-reflection, or an unthinking faculty, as to God and a World to come. But to return to our Argument, after this short digression . . .

As that regular diversity which we see in the forms of Nature, and especially in the Bodies of Animals, could not be from any blind principle, either of Necessity or of Chance; So, in the last place, that Subordinationwhich we see in the parts of Nature, and subserviency to one another, the less Noble to the more Noble, the Inanimate to the Animate, and all things upon Earth unto Man, must needs have been the effect of some Being higher than Matter; that did wisely dispose all things so at first, and doth still conserve them in the same order. If Man had been born into the World, and a numerous host of Creatures, without any pro-vision or accommodation made for their subsistence and conveniences, we might have suspected that they had come by Chance, and therefore were so ill provided for; but which of them can complain? through their various Kinds and Orders, what is there awanting? They are all fitted to their several Elements, and their ways of living, Birds, Beasts, and Fishes, both by the form and shape of their Bodies, the manner of their covering, and the quality of their food. Besides, they are instructed in little Arts and Instincts for their conservation; and not only for their proper conservation, but also to find a way to make and bring up young ones, and leave behind them a Posterity; And all this in so fit a method, and by such a pretty train of actions, as is really admirable.

Man is the Master of all, and of him a double care is taken; that he should neither want what Nature can afford, nor what Art can supply. He could not be provided of all conveniences by Nature only, especially to secure him against the injuries of the Air; but in recompence, Nature hath provided materials for all those Arts which she see would be needful in Humane Life; as Building, Cloathing, Navigation, Agriculture, &c. that so Mankind might have both wherewithal to answer their occasions, and also to imploy their time, and exercise their ingenuity. This Oeconomy of Nature, as I may call it, or well ordering of the great Family of living Creatures, is an argument both of Goodness and of Wisdom, and is every way far above the powers of brute Matter. All regular administration we ascribe to conduct and judgment; If an Army of men be well provided for in things necessary both for Food, Cloaths, Arms, Lodging, Security and Defence, so as nothing is awanting in so great a multitude, we suppose it the effect of care and forcast in those persons that had the charge of it; they took their measures at first, computed and proportioned one thing to another, made good regulations, and gave orders for convenient supplies. And can we suppose the great Army of Creatures upon Earth managed and provided for with less fore-thought and Providence, nay, with none at all, by meer Chance? This is to recede from all rules and analogy of Reason, only to serve a turn, and gratifie an unreasonable humour.

To conclude this Argument; There are two general Heads of things, if I recollect aright, which we make the marks and characters of Wisdom and Reason, Works of Art, and the Conduct of affairs or direction of means to an end; and wheresoever we meet, either with regular material works, or a regular ordination of affairs, we think we have a good title and warrant to derive them from an intelligent Author; Now these two being found in the Natural World, and that in an eminent degree, the one in the Frame of it, and the other in the Oeconomy of it, we have all the evidence and ground that can be in arguing from things visible to things invisible, that there is an Author of Nature, Superiour both to Humane Power and Humane Wisdom.

Before we proceed to give any further proofs or discoveries of the Author of Nature, let us reflect a little upon those we have already insisted upon; which have been taken wholly from the Material World, and from the common course of Nature. The very existence of Matter is a proof of a Deity, for the Ideaof it hath no connexion with existence, as we shall show hereafter; however we will take leave now to set it down with the rest, in order as they follow one another.

1. The existence of Matter.

2. The Motion of Matter.

3. The just quantity and degree of that Motion.

4. The first form of the Universe upon Motion imprest; both as to the Divisions of Matter, and the Leading Motions.

5. The Laws for communication and regulation of that Motion.

6. The regular effects of it, especially in the Animate World.

7. The Oeconomy of Nature, and fit Subordination of one part of the World to another.

The five first of these Heads are prerequisites, and preparatives to the formation of a World, and the two last are as the image and character of its Maker, of his Power, Goodness and Wisdom, imprest upon it. Every one of them might well deserve a Chapter to it self, if the subject was to be treated on at large; but this is only an occasional dissertation, to state the Powers of Matter, lest they should be thought boundless, and the Author of Nature unnecessary, as the Epicuræanspretend; but notwithstanding their vain confidence and credulity, I defie them, or any man else, to make sence of the Material World, without placing a God at the Center of it.

To these considerations taken wholly from the Corporeal World, give me leave to add one of a mixt nature, concerning the Union of our Soul and Body. This strange effect, if rightly understood, doth as truly discover the Author of Nature, as many Effects that are accounted more Supernatural. The Incarnation, as I may so say, of a Spiritual substance, is to me a kind of standing miracle; That there should be such an union and connexion reciprocally betwixt the motions of the Body, and the actions and passions of the Soul: betwixt a substance Intellectual, and a parcel of organized Matter: can be no effect of either of those substances; being wholly distinct in themselves, and remote in their natures from one another. For instance, when my Finger is cut, or when ’tis burnt, that my Soul thereupon should feel such a smart and violent pain, is no consequence of Nature, or does not follow from any connexion there is betwixt the Motion or Division of that piece of Matter, I call my Finger, and the passion of that Spirit I call my Soul; for these are two distinct Essences, and in themselves independent upon one another, as much as the Sun and my Body are independent; and there is no more reason in strict Nature, or in the essential chain of Causes and Effects, that my Soul should suffer, or be affected with this Motion in the Finger, than that the Sun should be affected with it; nay, there is less reason, if less can be, for the Sun being Corporeal, as the finger is, there is some remote possibility that there might be communication of Motion betwixt them; but Motion cannot beget a thought, or a passion by its own force; Motion can beget nothing but Motion, and if it should produce a thought, the Effect would be more noble than the Cause. Wherefore this Union is not by any necessity of Nature, but only from a positive Institution, or Decree establisht by the Author of Nature, that there should be such a communication betwixt these two substances for a time, viz. during the Vitality of the Body.

’Tis true indeed, if Thought, Apprehension, and Reason, was nothing but Corporeal Motion, this Argument would be of no force; but to suppose this, is to admit an absurdity to cure a difficulty; to make a Thought out of a local Motion, is like making a God out of a Stock, or a Stone; for these two are as remote in their Nature, and have as different Idea's in the Mind, as any two disparate things we can propose or conceive; Number and Colour, a Triangle and Vertue, Free-will and a Pyramid are not more unlike, more distant, or of more different forms, than Thought and local Motion. Motion is nothing but a Bodies changing its place and situation amongst other Bodies, and what affinity or resemblance hath that to a Thought? how is that like to Pain, or to a doubt of the Mind? to Hope or to Desire? to the Ideaof God? to any act of the Will or Understanding, as judging, consenting, reasoning, remembring, or any other? These are things of several orders, that have no similitude, nor any mixture of one another. And as this is the nature of Motion, so, on the other hand, in a Thoughtthere are two things, Consciousness, and a Representation; Consciousness is in all Thoughts indifferently, whether distinct or confused, for no man thinks but he is conscious that he thinks, nor perceives any thing but he is conscious that he perceives it; there is also in a Thought, especially if it be distinct, a representation; ’tis the image of that we think upon, and makes its Object present to the Mind. Now what hath local Motion to do with either of these two, Consciousness, or Representativeness? how doth it include either of them, or hold them any way affixt to its Nature? I think one may with as good sence and reason ask of what colour a Thought is, green or scarlet, as what sort of Motion it is; for Motion of what sort soever, can never be conscious, nor represent things as our Thoughts do. I have noted thus much in general, only to show the different nature of Motion and Cogitation, that we may be the more sensible that they have no mutual connexion in us, nor in any other Creature, from their essence or essential properties, but by a supervenient power from the Author of Nature, who hath thus united the Soul and the Body in their operations.

We have hitherto only considered the ordinary course of Nature, and what indications and proofs of its Author, that affords us; There is another remarkable Head of Arguments from effects extraordinary and supernatural, such as Miracles, Prophecies, Inspirations, Prodigies, Apparitions, Witchcraft, Sorceries, &c. These, at one step, lead us to something above Nature, and this is the shortest way, and the most popular; several Arguments are suited to several tempers, and God hath not left himself without a proper witness to every temper that is not wilfully blind. Of these witnesses we now speak of, the most considerable are Miracles, and the most considerable Records of them are the Books of Scripture; which if we consider only as an History, and as having nothing Sacred in them more than other good Histories, that is, truth in matter of fact, we cannot doubt but there have been miracles in the World; That Mosesand the Prophets, our Saviour and his Apostles, wrought Miracles, I can no more question, than thatCæsarand Alexanderfought Battles, and took Cities. So also that there were true Prophecies and Inspirations, we know from Scripture, only considered as a true History. But as for other supernatural effects that are not recorded there, we have reason to examine them more strictly before we receive them, at least as to particular instances; for I am apt to think they are like Lotteries, where there are ten or twenty Blanks for one Prize; but yet if there were no Prizes at all, the Lottery would not have credit to subsist, and would be cried down as a perfect Cheat; So if amongst those many stories of Prodigies, Apparitions, and Witchcrafts, there were not some true, the very fame and thought of them would die from amongst men, and the first broachers of them would be hooted at as Cheats. As a false Religion that hath nothing true and solid mixt with it, can scarce be fixt upon Mankind; but where there is a mixture of true and false, the strength of the one supports the weakness of the other. As for Sorcery, the instances and examples of it are undeniable; not so much those few scattered instances that happen now and then amongst us, but such as are more constant, and in a manner National, in some Countries, and amongst barbarous people. Besides, the Oracles, and the Magick that was so frequent amongst the Ancients, show us that there have been always some Powers more than Humane tampering with the affairs of Mankind. But this Topick from effects Extraordinary and Supernatural, being in a great measure Historical, and respecting evil Spirits as well as the Author of Nature, is not so proper for this place.

There is a third Sett or Head of Arguments, that to some tempers are more cogent and convictive than any of these, namely, Arguments abstractand Metaphysical; And these do not only lead us to an Author of Nature in general, but show us more of his properties and perfections; represent him to us as a supream Deity, infinitely perfect, the fountain of all Being, and the steddy Center of all things. But reasons of this order, being of a finer thred, require more attention, and some preparation of Mind to make us discern them well, and be duly sensible of them. When a man hath withdrawn himself from the noise of this busie World, locked up his Senses and his Passions, and every thing that would unite him with it: commanded a general silence in the Soul, and suffers not a Thought to stir, but what looks inwards; Let him then reflect seriously, and ask himself, What am I, and How came I into Being?If I was Author and Original to my self, surely I ought to feel that mighty Power, and enjoy the pleasure of it; but, alas, I am conscious of no such force or Vertue, nor of any thing in my Nature, that should give me necessary existence; It hath no connexion with any part of me, nor any faculty in me, that I can discern. And now that I do exist, from what Causes soever, Can I secure my self in Being?now that I am in possession, am I sure to keep it? am I certain, that three minutes hence I shall still exist? I may or I may not, for ought I see; Either seems possible in it self, and either is contingent as to me; I find nothing in my Nature that can warrant my subsistence for one day, for one hour, for one moment longer. I am nothing but Thoughts, fleeting Thoughts, that chase and extinguish one another; and my Being, for ought I know, is successive, and as dying as they are, and renewed to me every moment. This I am sure of, that so far as I know my self, and am conscious what I am, there is no principle of immutability, or of necessary and indefectible existence in my Nature; and therefore I ought in reason to believe, that I stand or fall at the mercy of other Causes, and not by my own will, or my own sufficiency.

Besides, I am very sensible, and in this I cannot be mistaken, that my Nature is, in several respects, weak and imperfect; both as to Will and Understanding. I willmany things in vain, and without effect, and I wish often what I have no ability to execute or obtain. And as to my Understanding, how defective is it? how little or nothing do I know in comparison of what I am ignorant of? Almost all the Intellectual World is shut up to me, and the far greatest part of the Corporeal; And in those things that fall under my cognizance, how often am I mistaken? I am confined to a narrow sphere, and yet within that sphere I often erre; my conceptions of things are obscure and confused, my reason short-sighted; I am forced often to correct my self, to acknowledge that I have judged false, and consented to an errour. 1 In summ, all my powers I find are limited, and I can easily conceive the same kind of perfections in higher degrees than I possess them, and consequently there are Beings, or may be, greater and more excellent than my self, and more able to subsist by their own power. Why should I not therefore believe that my Original is from those Beings rather than from my self? For every Nature, the more great and perfect it is, the nearer it approacheth to necessity of existence, and to a power of producing other things. Yet, the truth is, it must be acknowledged, that so long as the perfections of those other Beings are limited and finite, though they be far superiour to us, there is no necessity ariseth from their Nature that they should exist; and the same Arguments that we have used against our selves, they may, in proportion, use against themselves; and therefore we must still advance higher to find a self-originated Being, whose existence must flow immediately from his essence, or have a necessary connexion with it.

And indeed all these different degrees of higher and higher perfections lead us directly to an highest, or Supream degree, which is Infinite and unlimited Perfection. As subordinate causes lead to the first, so Natures more perfect one than another lead us to a Nature infinitely perfect, which is the Fountain of them all. Thither we must go, if we will follow the course of Reason, which cannot stop at one more than another, till it arrive there; And being arrived there, at that Soveraign and Original Perfection, it finds a firm and immoveable ground to stand upon; the steddy Center of all Being, wherein the Mind rests and is satisfied. All the scruples or objections that we moved against our selves, or other Creatures, take no place here; This Being is conscious of an All-sufficiency in it self, and of immutability as to any thing else, including in it all the causes of existence, or, to speak more properly, all necessity of existence. Besides, that we exist our selves, notwithstanding the imperfection and insufficiency of our Nature, is a just, collateral proof of the existence of this Supream Being; for such an effect as this cannot be without its cause, and it can have no other competent cause but that we mention. And as this Being is its own Origin, so it must needs be capable of producing all Creatures; for whatsoever is possible, must be possible to it; and that Creatures or finite Beings are possible, we both see by experience, and may also discern by Reason; for those several degrees of perfection, or limitations of it, which we mentioned before, are all consistent Notions, and consequently make consistent Natures, and such as may exist; but contingently indeed, and in dependance upon the first Cause.

Thus we are come at length to a fair resolution of that great Question, Whence we are, and howwe continue in Being? And this hath led us by an easie ascent to the Supream Author of Nature, and the first Cause of all things; and presents us also with such a Scheme and Draught of the Universe, as is clear and rational; every thing in its order, and in its place, according to the dignity of its Nature, and the strength of its principles. When the Mind hath raised it self into this view of a Being infinitely perfect, ’tis in a Region of Light, hath a free prospect every way, and sees all things from top to bottom, as pervious and transparent. Whereas without God and a First Cause, there is nothing but darkness and confusion in the Mind, and in Nature; broken views of things, short interrupted glimpses of Light, nothing certain or demonstrative, no Basis of Truth, no extent of Thought, no Science, no Contemplation.

You will say, it may be, ’Tis true, something must be Eternal, and of necessary existence, but why may not Matterbe this Eternal necessary Being? Then our Souls and all other Intellectual things must be parts and parcels of Matter; and what pretensions can Matter have to those properties and perfections that we find in our Souls, how limited soever? much less to necessary existence, and those perfections that are the foundation of it? What exists Eternally, and from it self, its existence must flow immediately from its essence, as its cause, reason or ground; for as Existence hath always something antecedent to it in order of Nature, so that which is antecedent to it must infer it by a necessary connexion, and so may be called the cause, ground, or reason of it. And nothing can be such a ground, but what is a perfection; nor every perfection neither, it must be Sovereign and Infinite perfection; for from what else can necessary existence flow, or be inferred? Besides, if that Being was not infinitely perfect, there might be another Being more powerful than it, and consequently able to oppose and hinder its existence; and what may be hindered is contingent and arbitrary. Now Matteris so far from being a Nature infinitely perfect, that it hath no perfection at all, but that of bare substance; neither Life, Sense, Will or Understanding; nor so much as Motion, from it self; as we have showed before. And therefore this brute inactive mass, which is but, as it were, the Drudge of Nature, can have no right or title to that Sovereign prerogative of Self-existence.

We noted before, as a thing agreed upon, That something or other must needs be Eternal. For if ever there was a time or state, when there was no Being, there never could be any. Seeing Nothingcould not produce Something. Therefore ’tis undeniably true on all hands, That there was some Being from Eternity. Now, according to our understandings, Truthis Eternal:therefore, say we, some intellect or intelligent Being. So also the reasons of Goodnessand Justiceappear to us Eternal, and therefore some Good and Just Being is Eternal. Thus much is plain, that these perfections which bear the signatures of Eternity upon them, are things that have no relation to Matter, but relate immediately to an Intellectual Being: therefore some such Being, to whom they originally belong, must be that Eternal. Besides, we cannot possibly but judge such a Being more perfect than Matter; Now every Nature, the more perfect it is, the more remote it is from Nothing:and the more remote it is from nothing, the more it approaches to necessity of existence, and consequently to Eternal existence.

Thus we have made a short Survey, so far as the bounds of a Chapter would permit, of those evidences and assurances which we have, from abstract Reason, and the external World, that there is an Author of Nature; and That, a Being infinitely perfect, which we call God. We may add to these, in the last place, that universal consent of Mankind, or natural instinct of Religion, which we see, more or less, throughout all Nations, Barbarous or Civil. For though this Argument, ’tis true, be more disputable than the rest, yet having set down just grounds already from whence this Natural judgment or perswasion might spring, we have more reason to impute it to some of those, and their insensible influence upon the Mind, than to the artifices of Men, or to make it a weakness, prejudice, or errour of our Nature. That there is such a propension in Humane Nature, seems to be very plain; at least so far as to move us to implore, and have recourse to invisible Powers in our extremities. Prayer is natural in certain cases, and we do at the meer motion of our natural Spirit, and indeliberately, invoke God and Heaven, either in case of extream danger, to help and assist us; or in case of injustice and oppression, to relieve or avenge us; or in case of false accusation, to vindicate our innocency; and generally in all cases desperate and remediless as to Humane power, we seem to appeal, and address our selves to something higher. And this we do by a sudden impulse of Nature, without reflexion or deliberation. Besides, as witnesses of our Faith and Veracity, we use to invoke the Gods, or Superiour Powers, by way of imprecation upon our selves, if we be false and perjured; And this hath been used in most Nations and Ages, if not in all. These things also argue, that there is a Natural Conscience in Man, and a distinction of moral Goodand Evil; and that we look upon those invisible Powers as the Guardians of Vertue and Honesty. There are also few or no People upon the Earth but have something of External Religion, true or false; and either of them is an argument of this natural anticipation, or that they have an opinion that there is something above them, and above visible Nature; though what that something was, they seldom were able to make a good judgment. But to pursue this Argument particularly, would require an Historical deduction of Times and Places, which is not suitable to our present design.

To conclude this Chapter and this Subject; If we set Religion apart, and consider the Deist and Atheist only as two Sects in Philosophy, or their doctrine as two different Hypothesesproposed for the explication of Nature, and in competition with one another, whether should give the more rational account of the Universe, of its Origin and Phænomena; I say, if we consider them only thus, and make an impartial estimate, whether System is more reasonable, more clear, and more satisfactory, to me there seems to be no more comparison, than betwixt light and darkness. The Hypothesisof the Deist reacheth from top to bottom, both thorough the Intellectual and Material World, with a clear and distinct light every where; is genuine, comprehensive, and satisfactory; hath nothing forced, nothing confused, nothing precarious; whereas the Hypothesisof the Atheist is strained and broken, dark and uneasie to the Mind, commonly pre-carious, often incongruous and irrational, and sometimes plainly ridiculous. And this judgment I should make of them abstractly from the interest of Religion, considering them only as matter of Reason and Philosophy; AndI dare affirm with assurance, if the faculties of our Souls be true, that no Man can have a System of Thoughts reaching thorough Nature, coherent and consistent in every part, without a Deity for the Basis of it.


Footnotes

215:1 Τ τέλοιον πρότερον τ ουσει το τελος. Arist.


Book II: Chapter IX

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

by Thomas Burnet

THE THEORY OF THE EARTH

Book 2

Concerning the PRIMAL EARTH, AND PARADISE.


CHAPTER IX

A general objection against this Theory, viz. That if there had been such a Primitive Earth, as we pretend, the fame of it would have sounded throughout all Antiquity. The Eastern and Western Learning considered, the most considerable Records of both are lost; what footsteps remain relating to this Subject. The Jewishand ChristianLearning considered; how far lost as to this Argument, and what Notes or Traditions remain. Lastly, how far the Sacred Writings bear witness to it. The Providential conduct of Knowledge in the World. A recapitulation and state of the Theory.

HAVING gone through the two first Parts, and the two first Books of this Theory, that concern the Primitive World, the Universal Deluge, and the state of Paradise, We have leizure now to reflect a little, and consider what may probably be objected against a Theory of this nature. I do not mean single objections against single parts, for those may be many, and such as I cannot fore-see; but what may be said against the body and substance of the Theory, and the credibility of it, appearing new and surprising, and yet of great extent and importance. This, I fancy, will induce many to say, surely this cannot be a reality; for if there had been such a Primitive Earth, and such a Primitive World as is here represented, and so remarkably different from the present, it could not have been so utterly forgotten, or lain hid for so many Ages; all Antiquity would have rung of it; the memory of it would have been kept fresh by Books or Traditions. Can we imagine, that it should lie buried for some thousands of years in deep silence and oblivion; and now only when the second World is drawing to an end, we begin to discover that there was a first, and that of another make and order from this?

To satisfie this objection, or surmise rather, it will be convenient to take a good large scope and compass in our Discourse; We must not suppose, that this Primitive World hath been wholly lost out of the memory of man, or out of History, for we have some History and Chronology of it preserved by Moses, and likewise in the Monuments of the Ancients, more or less; for they all supposed a World before the Deluge. But ’tis the Philosophy of this Primitive World that hath been lost in a great measure, what the state of Nature was then, and wherein it differed from the present or Post-diluvian order of things. This, I confess, hath been little taken notice of; it hath been generally thought or presumed, that the World before the Flood was of the same form and constitution with the present World; This we do not deny, but rather think it designed and Providential, that there should not remain a clear and full knowledge of that first state of things; and we may easily suppose how it might decay and perish, if we consider how little of the remote Antiquities of the World have ever been brought down to our knowledge.

The Greeksand Romansdivided the Ages of the World into three periods or intervals, whereof they called the first the ObscurePeriod, the second the Fabulous, and the third Historical. The dark and obscure Period was from the beginning of the World to the Deluge; what passed then, either in Nature or amongst Men, they have no Records, no account, by their own confession; all that space of time was covered with darkness and oblivion; so that we ought rather to wonder at those remains they have, and those broken notions of the Golden Age, and the conditions of it, how they were saved out of the common shipwrack, than to expect from them the Philosophy of that World, and all its differences from the present. And as for the other Nations that pretend to greater Antiquities, to more ancient History and Chronology, from what is left of their Monuments many will allow only this difference, that their fabulous Age begun more high, or that they had more ancient Fables.

But besides that our expectations cannot be great from the learning of the Gentiles, we have not the means or opportunity to inform our selves well what Notions they did leave us concerning the Primitive World; for their Books and Monuments are generally lost, or lie hid unknown to us. The Learning of the World may be divided into the Eastern learning and the Western; and I look upon the Eastern as far more considerable for Philosophical Antiquities, and Philosophical Conclusions; I say Conclusions, for I do not believe either of them had any considerable Theory, or Contexture of Principles and Conclusions together: But ’tis certain, that in the East, from what Source soever it came, Humane or Divine, they had some extraordinary Doctrines and Notions disperst amongst them. Now as by the Western learning we understand that of the Greeksand Romans; so by the Eastern, that which was amongst the Ægyptians, Phœnicians, Chaldæans, Assyrians, and Persians; and of the Learning of these Nations, how little have we now left? except some fragments and Citations in GreekAuthors, what do we know of them? But if we had, not only those Books intire, whereof we have now the gleanings and reversions only, but all that have perisht besides, especially in that famous Library at Alexandria; if these, I say, were all restored to the World again, we might promise our selves the satisfaction of seeing more of the Antiquities, and Natural History of the first World, than we have now left, or can reasonably expect. That Library we speak of, at Alexandria, was a Collection, besides GreekBooks, of Ægyptian, Chaldæan, and all the Eastern Learning; and Cedrenusmakes it to consist of an hundred thousand Volumes: But Josephussaith, when the Translation of the Bible by the Septuagintwas to be added to it, Demetrius Phalereus(who was Keeper or Governour of it) told the King then, that he had already two hundred thousand Volumes, and that he hoped to make them up five hundred thousand; And he was better than his word, or his Successors for him, for Ammianus Marcellinus, and other Authors, report them to have increased to seven hundred thousand. This Library was unfortunately burnt in the sacking of Alexandriaby Cæsar, and considering that all these were ancient Books, and generally of the Eastern wisdom, ’twas an inestimable and irreparable loss to the Commonwealth of Learning. In like manner we are told of a vast Library of Books of all Arts and Sciences, in China, burnt by the command or caprice of one of their Kings. Wherein, the Chineses, according to their vanity, were used to say, greater riches were lost, than will be in the last Conflagration.

As for the Western Learning, we may remember what the ÆgyptianPriest says to Solonin Plato's Timæus, You Greeks are always Children, and know nothing of Antiquity; And if the Greekswere so, much more the Romans, who came after them in time, and for so great a People, and so much civilized, never any had less Philosophy, and less of the Sciences amongst them than the Romanshad; They studied only the Art of Speaking, of Governing, and of Fighting: and left the rest to the Greeksand Eastern Nations, as unprofitable. Yet we have reason to believe, that the best Philosophical Antiquities that the Romanshad, perisht with the Books of Varro, of NumaPompilius, and of the ancient Sibyls.Varrowrit, as St. Austintells us, a multitude of Volumes, and of various sorts, and I had rather retrieve his works, than the works of any other RomanAuthor; not his Etymologies and Criticisms, where we see nothing admirable, but his Theologia Physica, and his Antiquitates; which in all probability would have given us more light into remote times, and the Natural History of the past World, than all the LatinAuthors besides have done. He has left the forementioned distinction of three Periods of time; He had the doctrine of the Mundane Egg, as we see in Probus Grammaticus; and he gave us that observation of the Star Venus, concerning the great change she suffered about the time of our Deluge.

NumaPompiliuswas doubtless a contemplative man, and ’tis thought that he understood the true System of the World, and represented the Sun by his Vestal Fire; though, methinks, Vestadoes not so properly refer to the Sun, as to the Earth, which hath a Sacred fire too, that is not to be extinguisht. He ordered his Books to be buried with him, which were found in a Stone-Chest by him, four hundred years after his death; They were in all twenty-four, whereof twelve contained Sacred Rites and Ceremonies, and the other twelve the Philosophy and Wisdom of the Greeks; The Romansgave them to the Prætor Petiliusto peruse; and to make his report to the Senate, whether they were fit to be publisht or no: The Prætormade a wise politick report, that the Contents of them might be of dangerous consequence to the establisht Laws and Religion; and thereupon they were condemned to be burnt, and Posterity was deprived of that ancient treasure, whatsoever it was. What the nine Books of the Sibylcontained, that were offered to King Tarquin, we little know; She valued them high, and the higher still, the more they seemed to slight or neglect them; which is a piece of very natural indignation or contempt, when one is satisfied of the worth of what they offer. ’Tis likely they respected, besides the fate of Rome, the fate and several periods of the World, both past and to come, and the most mystical passages of them. And in these Authors and Monuments are lost the greatest hopes of Natural and Philosophick Antiquities, that we could have had from the Romans.

And as to the Greeks, their best and Sacred Learning was not originally their own; they enricht themselves with the spoils of the East, and the remains we have of that Eastern Learning, is what we pick out of the Greeks; whose works, I believe, if they were intirely extant, we should not need to go any further for witnesses to confirm all the principal parts of this Theory. With what regret does one read in Laertius, Suidas, and others, the promising titles of Books writ by the GreekPhilosophers, hundreds or thousands, whereof there is not one now extant; and those that are extant are generally but fragments: Those Authors also that have writ their Lives, or collected their Opinions, have done it confusedly and injudiciously. I should hope for as much light and instruction, as to the Original of the World, from Orpheusalone, if his works had been preserved, as from all that is extant now of the other GreekPhilosophers. We may see from what remains of him, that he understood in a good measure, how the Earth rise from a Chaos, what was its external Figure, and what the form of its inward structure; The opinion of the OvalFigure of the Earth is ascribed to Orpheusand his Disciples; and the doctrine of the Mundane Eggis so peculiarly his, that ’tis called by Proclus, The Orphick Egg; not that he was the first Author of that doctrine, but the first that brought it into Greece.

Thus much concerning the Heathen Learning, Eastern and Western, and the small remains of it in things Philosophical; ’tis no wonder then if the account we have left us from them of the Primitive Earth, and the Antiquities of the natural World be very imperfect. And yet we have traced (in the precedent Chapter, and more largely in our LatinTreatise) the foot-steps of several parts of this Theory amongst the writings and Traditions of the Ancients: and even of those parts that seem the most strange and singular, and that are the Basis upon which the rest stand. We have shown there, that their account of the Chaos, though it seemed to many but a Poetical Rhapsody, contained the true mystery of the formation of the Primitive Earth. We have also shown upon the same occasion, that both the external Figure and internal form of that Earth was comprized and signified in their ancient doctrine of the Mundane Egg, which hath been propagated through all the Learned Nations. And lastly, as to the situation of that Earth, and the change of its posture since, that the memory of that has been kept up, we have brought several testimonies and indications from the GreekPhilosophers. And these were the three great and fundamental properties of the Primitive Earth, upon which all the other depend, and all its differences from the present Order of Nature. You see then, though Providence hath suffered the Heathen Learning and their Monuments, in a great part, to perish, yet we are not left wholly without witnesses amongst them, in a speculation of this great importance.

You will say, it may be, though this account, as to the Books and Learning of the Heathen, may be lookt upon as reasonable, yet we might expect however, from the Jewishand ChristianAuthors, a more full and satisfactory account of that Primitive Earth, and of the Old World. First, as to the Jews, ’tis well known that they have no ancient Learning, unless by way of Tradition, amongst them. There is not a Book extant in their Language, excepting the Canon of the Old Testament, that hath not been writ since our Saviour's time. They are very bad Masters of Antiquity, and they may in some measure be excused, because of their several captivities, dispersions, and desolations. In the Babylonishcaptivity their Temple was ransacked, and they did not preserve, as is thought, so much as the Autograph or original Manuscript of the Law, nor the Books of those of their Prophets that were then extant, and kept in the Temple; And at their return from the Captivity after seventy years, they seem to have had forgot their Native Language so much, that the Law was to be interpreted to them in Chaldee, after it was read in Hebrew; for so I understand that interpretation in Nehemiah. ’Twas a great Providence, methinks, that they should any way preserve their Law, and other Books of Scripture, in the Captivity, for so long a time; for ’tis likely they had not the liberty of using them in any publick worship, seeing they returned so ignorant of their own Language, and, as ’tis thought, of their Alphabet and Character too. And if their Sacred Books were hardly preserved, we may easily believe all others perisht in that publick desolation.

Yet there was another destruction of that Nation, and their Temple, greater than this, by the Romans; and if there were any remains of Learning preserved in the former ruine, or any recruits made since that time, this second desolation would sweep them all away. And accordingly we see they have nothing left in their Tongue, besides the Bible, so ancient as the destruction of Jerusalem. These and other publick calamities of the JewishNation, may reasonably be thought to have wasted their Records of ancient Learning, if they had any; for, to speak truth, the Jewsare a people of little curiosity, as to Sciences and Philosophical enquiries: They were very tenacious of their own customs, and careful of those Traditions that did respect them, but were not remarkable, that I know of, or thought great Proficients in any other sort of Learning. There has been a great fame, ’tis true, of the Jewish Cabala, and of great mysteries contained in it; and, I believe, there was once a Traditional doctrine amongst some of them, that had extraordinary Notions and Conclusions: But where is this now to be found? The Esseneswere the likeliest Sect, one would think, to retain such doctrines, but ’tis probable they are now so mixt with things fabulous and fantastical, that what one should alledge from thence would be of little or no authority. One Head in this Cabalawas the doctrine of the Sephiroth, and though the explication of them be uncertain, the Inferiour Sephirothin the Corporeal World cannot so well be applied to any thing, as to those several Orbs and Regions, infolding one another, whereof the Primigenial Earth was composed. Yet such conjectures, I know, are of no validity, but in consort with better Arguments. I have often thought also, that their first and second Temple represented the first and second Earth or World; and that of Ezekiel's, which is the third, is still to be erected, the most beautiful of all, when this second Temple of the World shall be burnt down. If the Prophecies of Enochhad been preserved, and taken into the Canon by Ezra, after their return from Babylon, when the Collection of their Sacred Books is supposed to have been made, we might probably have had a considerable account there, both of times past and to come, of Antiquities and Futuritions; for those Prophecies are generally supposed to have contained both the first and second fate of this Earth, and all the Periods of it. But as this Book is lost to us, so I look upon all others that pretend to be Ante-Mosaical or Patriarchal, as Spurious and Fabulous.

Thus much concerning the Jews. As for ChristianAuthors, their knowledge must be from some of these fore-mentioned, Jewsor Heathens; or else by Apostolical Tradition: For the ChristianFathers were not very speculative, so as to raise a Theory from their own thoughts and contemplations, concerning the Origin of the Earth. We have instanced, in the last Chapter, in a ChristianTradition, concerning Paradise, and the high situation of it, which is fully consonant to the site of the Primitive Earth, where Paradise stood, and doth seem plainly to refer to it, being unintelligible upon any other supposition. And ’twas, I believe, this elevation of Paradise, and the pensile structure of that ParadisiacalEarth, that gave occasion to Celsus, as we see by Origen's answer, to say, that the Christian Paradisewas taken from the pensile Gardens of Alcinous:But we may see now what was the ground of such expressions or Traditions amongst the Ancients, which Providence left to keep mens minds awake; not fully to instruct them, but to confirm them in the truth, when it should come to be made known in other methods. We have noted also above, that the ancient Books and Authors amongst the Christians, that were most likely to inform us in this Argument, have perisht, and are lost out of the World, such as Ephrem Syrusde ortu rerum, and Tertulliande Paradiso; and that piece which is extant, of Moses Bar Cepha's upon this subject, receives more light from our Hypothesis, than from any other I know; for correcting some mistakes about the Figure of the Earth, which the Ancients were often guilty of, the obscurity or confusion of that Discourse in other things, may be easily rectified, if compared with this Theory.

Of this nature also is that Tradition that is common both to Jewsand Christians, and which we have often mentioned before, that there was a perpetual serenity, and perpetual Equinox in Paradise; which cannot be upon this Earth, not so much as under the Equinoctial; for they have a sort of Winter and Summer there, a course of Rains at certain times of the Year, and great inequalities of the Air, as to heat and cold, moisture and drought. They had also Traditions amongst them, That there was no Rain from the beginning of the World till the Deluge, and that there were no Mountains till the Flood, and such like; These, you see, point directly at such an Earth, as we have described. And I call these Traditions, because we cannot find the Original Authors of them; The ancient ordinary Gloss(upon Genesis) which some make Eight hundred years old, mentions both these Opinions; so does Historia Scholastica, Alcuinus, Rabanus Maurus, Lyranus, and such Collectors of Antiquity. Bedealso relates that of the plainnessor smoothness of the Ante-diluvianEarth. Yet these are reported Traditionally, as it were, naming no Authors or Books from whence they were taken; Nor can it be imagined that they feigned them themselves; to what end or purpose? it served no interest; or upon what ground? seeing they had no Theory that could lead them to such Notions as these, or that could be strengthened and confirmed by them. Those opinions also of the Fathers, which we recited in the seventh Chapter, placing Paradisebeyond the Torrid Zone, and making it thereby inaccessible, suit very well to the form, qualities, and bipartition of the Primæval Earth, and seem to be grounded upon them.

Thus much may serve for a short Survey of the ancient Learning, to give us a reasonable account, why the memory and knowledge of the Primitive Earth should be so much lost out of the World; and what we retain of it still; which would be far more, I do not doubt, if all Manuscripts were brought to light, that are yet extant in publick or private Libraries. The truth is, one cannot judge with certainty, neither what things have been recorded and preserved in the monuments of Learning, nor what are still; not what have been, because so many of those Monuments are lost: The AlexandrianLibrary, which we spoke of before, seems to have been the greatest Collection that ever was made before Christianity, and the Constantinopolitan(begun by Constantine, and destroyed in the Fifth Century, when it was raised to the number, as is said, of one hundred twenty thousand Volumes) the most valuable that was ever since, and both these have been permitted by Providence to perish in the merciless Flames. Besides those devastations of Books and Libraries that have been made in Christendom, by the Northernbarbarous Nations overflowing Europe, and the Saracensand Turksgreat parts of Asiaand Africk. It is hard therefore to pronounce what knowledge hath been in the World, or what accounts of Antiquity; Neither can we well judge what remain, or of what things the memory may be still latently conserved; for besides those Manuscripts that are yet unexamined in these parts of Christendom, and those that have been scarce viewed in the great Abyssineor ÆthiopickLibrary, there are many, doubtless, of good value in other parts; and we know particularly of two famed Libraries, that of Buda, and that of Fez, both in the hands of Mahometans; who keep them as the Dragon did the Golden Apples, will neither make use of them themselves, nor suffer others to peruse them. The Library of Fezis said to contain thirty two thousand Volumes inArabick; and though the ArabickLearning was mostwhat Western, and therefore of less account, yet they did deal in EasternLearning too; for Avicennawrit a Book with that Title, Philosophia Orientalis. There may be also in the East thousands of Manuscripts unknown to us, of greater value than most books we have: And as to those subjects we are treating of, I should promise my self more light and confirmation from the SyriackAuthors than from any others. These things being considered, we can make but a very imperfect estimate, what evidences are left us, and what accounts of the Primitive Earth; and if these deductions and defalcations be made, both for what Books are wholly lost, and for what lie asleep or dead in Libraries, we have reason to be satisfied in a Theory of this nature, to find so good attestations as we have produced for the several parts of it; which we purpose to inlarge upon considerably at another time and occasion.

But to carry this Objection as far as may be, let us suppose it to be urged still in the last place, that though these Humane writings have perisht, or be imperfect, yet in the Divine writings at least, we might expect, that the memory of the Old World, and of the Primitive Earth should have been preserved. To this I answer in short, That we could not expect in the Scriptures any Natural Theory of that Earth, nor any account of it, but what was general; and this we have, both by the Tehom-Rabbaof Moses, and the description of the same Abysse in other places of Scripture, as we have shown at large in the First Book, Chap. 7. And also by the description which St. Peterhath given of the Ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth, and their different constitution from the present. You will say, it may be, that that place of St. Peteris capable of another interpretation; so are most places of Scripture, if you speak of a bare capacity; they are capable of more than one interpretation; but that which is most natural, proper and congruous, suitable to the words, suitable to the Argument, and suitable to the Context, wherein is nothing superfluous or impertinent, that we prefer and accept of as the most reasonable interpretation. Besides, in such Texts as relate to the Natural World, if of two interpretations proposed, one agrees better with the Theory of Nature than the other, cæteris paribus, that ought to be prefered. And by these two rules we are willing to be tried, in the exposition of that remarkable Discourse of St. Peter's, and to stand to that sence which is found most agreeable to them.

Give me leave to conclude the whole Discourse with this general Consideration; ’Tis reasonable to suppose, that there is a Providence in the conduct of Knowledge, as well as of other affairs on the Earth; and that it was not designed that all the mysteries of Nature and Providence should be plainly and clearly understood throughout all the Ages of the World; but that there is an Order establisht for this, as for other things, and certain Periods and Seasons; And what was made known to the Ancients only by broken Conclusions and Traditions, will be known (in the later Ages of the World) in a more perfect way, by Principles and Theories. The increase of Knowledge being that which changeth so much the face of the World, and the state of Humane affairs, I do not doubt but there is a particular care and superintendency for the conduct of it; by what steps and degrees it should come to light, at what Seasons and in what Ages; what evidence should be left, either in Scripture, Reason, or Tradition, for the grounds of it; how clear or obscure, how disperst or united; all these things were weighed and considered, and such measures taken as best suit the designs of Providence, and the general project and method proposed in the government of the World. And I make no question but the state both of the Old World, and of that which is to come, is exhibited to us in Scripture in such a measure and proportion, as is fit for this forementioned purpose; not as the Articles of our Faith, or the precepts of a good Life, which he that runs may read; but to the attentive and reflexive, to those that are unprejudiced, and to those that are inquisitive, and have their minds open and prepared for the discernment of mysteries of such a nature.

Thus much in answer to that general Objection which might be made against this Theory, Thatit is not founded in Antiquity. I do not doubt but there may be many particular Objections against Parts and Sections of it, and the exposing it thus in our own Tongue may excite some or other, it may be, to make them; but if any be so minded, I desire (if they be Scholars) that it may rather be in Latin, as being more proper for a subject of this nature; and also that they would keep themselves close to the substance of the Theory, and wound that as much as they can; but to make excursions upon things accidental or collateral, that do not destroy the Hypothesis, is but to trouble the World with impertinencies. Now the substance of the Theory is this, THAT there was a Primitive Earthof another form from the present, and inhabited by Mankind till the Deluge; That it had those properties and conditions that we have ascribed to it, namely, a perpetual Equinox or Spring, by reason of its rightsituation to the Sun; Was of an Oval Figure, and the exteriour face of it smooth and uniform, without Mountains or a Sea. That in this Earth stood Paradise; the doctrine whereof cannot be understood but upon supposition of this Primitive Earth, and its properties. Then that the disruption and fall of this Earth into the Abysse, which lay under it, was that which made the Universal Deluge, and the destruction of the Old World; And that neither Noah's Flood, nor the present form of the Earth can be explained in any other method that is rational, nor by any other Causes that are intelligible. These are the Vitals of the Theory, and the primary Assertions, whereof I do freely profess my full belief: and whosoever by solid reasons will show me in an Errour, and undeceive me, I shall be very much obliged to him. There are other lesser Conclusions which flow from these, and may be called Secondary, as that the Longævity of the Ante-diluvians depended upon their perpetual Equinox, and the perpetual equality and serenity of the Air; That the Torrid Zone in the Primitive Earth was uninhabitable; And that all their Rivers flowed from the extreme parts of the Earth towards the Equinoctial; there being neither Rain, nor Rainbow, in the temperate and habitable Regions of it; And lastly, that the place of Paradise, according to the opinion of Antiquity, was in the Southern Hemisphere. These, I think, are all truly deduced and Evidenced in their several ways, though they be not such essential parts of the Theory, as the former. There are also besides, many particular Explications that are to be considered with more liberty and latitude, and may be perhaps upon better thoughts, or better observations, corrected, without any prejudice to the general Theory.

Those places of Scripture which we have cited, I think, are all truly applied; and I have not mentioned Moses's Cosmopœia, because I thought it delivered by him as a Lawgiver, not as a Philosopher; which I intend to show at large in another Treatise, not thinking that discussion proper for the Vulgar Tongue. Upon the whole, we are to remember, that some allowances are to be made for every Hypothesisthat is new-proposed and untri'd: and that we ought not out of levity of wit, or any private design, discountenance free and fair Essays: nor from any other motive, but the only love and concern of Truth.

Book II: Chapter VIII

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

by Thomas Burnet

THE THEORY OF THE EARTH

Book 2

Concerning the PRIMAL EARTH, AND PARADISE.


CHAPTER VIII

The uses of this Theory for the illustration of Antiquity; The ancient Chaos explained; The inhabitability of the Torrid Zone; The change of the Poles of the World; The doctrine of the Mundane Egg; How Americawas first peopled; How Paradisewithin the Circle of the Moon.

WE have now dispatched the Theory of the Primæval Earth, and revived a forgotten World; ’Tis pity the first and fairest works of Nature should be lost out of the memory of Man, and that we should so much dote upon the Ruines, as never to think upon the Original Structure. As the modern Artists from some broken pieces of an ancient Statue, make out all the other parts and proportions; so from the broken and scattered limbs of the first World we have shown you how to raise the whole Fabrick again; and renew the prospect of those pleasant Scenes that first see the light, and first entertained Man, when he came to act upon this new-erected Stage.

We have drawn this Theory chiefly to give an account of the Universal Deluge, and of Paradise; but as when one lights a Candle to look for one or two things which they want, the light will not confine it self to those two objects, but shows all the other in the room; so, methinks, we have unexpectedly cast a light upon all Antiquity, in seeking after these two things, or in retrieving the Notion and Doctrine of the Primæval Earth, upon which they depended. For in ancient Learning there are many Discourses, and many Conclusions delivered to us, that are so obscure and confused, and so remote from the present state of things, that one cannot well distinguish, whether they are fictions or realities; and there is no way to distinguish with certainty, but by a clear Theory upon the same subjects; which showing us the truth directly, and independently upon them, shows us also by reflection, how far they are true or false, and in what sence they are to be interpreted and understood. And the present Theory being of great extent, we shall find it serviceable in many things, for the illustration of such dubious and obscure doctrines in Antiquity.

To begin with their Ancient CHAOS, what a dark story have they made of it, both their Philosophers and Poets; and how fabulous in appearance? ’Tis delivered as confusedly as the Mass it self could be, and hath not been reduced to order, nor indeed made intelligible by any. They tell us of moralprinciples in the Chaos instead of natural, of strife, and discord, and divisionon the one hand, and Love, Friendship, and Venuson the other; and, after a long contest, Love got the better of Discord, and united the disagreeing principles: This is one part of their story. Then they make the forming of the World out of the Chaos a kind ofGenealogieor Pedigree; Chaoswas the common Parent of all, and from Chaos sprung, first, Night, and Tartarus, or Oceanus; Night was a teeming Mother, and of her were born Ætherand the Earth; The Earth conceived by the influences of Æther, and brought forth Man and all Animals.

This seems to be a Poetical fiction rather than Philosophy; yet when ’tis set in a true light, and compared with our Theory of the Chaos, ’twill appear a pretty regular account, how the World was formed at first, or how the Chaos divided it self successively into several Regions, rising one after another, and propagated one from another, as Children and Posterity from a common Parent. We showed in the first Book, Chap. 5, how the Chaos, from an uniform mass, wrought it self into several Regions or Elements; the grossest part sinking to the Center, upon this lay the mass of Water, and over the Water was a Region of dark, impure, caliginous Air; This impure, caliginous Air is that which the Ancients call Night, and the mass of Water Oceanusor Tartarus, for those two terms with them are often of the like force, Tartarusbeing Oceanusinclosed and locked up: Thus we have the first off-spring of the Chaos, or its first-born twins, Noxand Oceanus. Now this turbid Air purifying it self by degrees, as the more subtle parts flew upwards, and composed the Æther; so the earthy parts that were mixt with it dropt down upon the surface of the Water, or the liquid mass; and that mass on the other hand sending up its lighter and more oily parts towards its surface, these two incorporate there, and by their mixture and union compose a Body of Earth quite round the mass of Waters: And this was the first habitable Earth, which as it was, you see, the Daughter of Noxand Oceanus, so it was the Mother of all other things, and all living Creatures, which at the beginning of the World sprung out of its fruitful womb.

This doctrine of the Chaos, for the greater pomp of the business, the Ancients called their Theogonia, or the Genealogy of the Gods; for they gave their Gods, at least their Terrestrial Gods, an original and beginning; and all the Elements and greater portions of Nature they made Gods and Goddesses, or their Deities presided over them in such a manner, that the names were used promiscuously for one another. We also mentioned before some moral principles, which they placed in the Chaos, Erisand Eros; Strife, discord, and disaffection which prevailed at first, and afterward Love, kindness and union got the upper hand, and in spite of those factious and dividing principles gathered together the separated Elements, and united them into an habitable World. This is all easily understood, if we do but look upon the Schemes of the rising World, as we have set them down in that fifth Chapter; for in the first commotion of the Chaos, after an intestine struggle of all the parts, the Elements separated from one another into so many distinct bodies or masses, and in this state and posture things continued a good while, which the Ancients, after their Poetick or Moral way, called the Reign of Eris or Contention, of hatred, flight and disaffection; and if things had always continued in that System, we should never have had an habitable World. But Love and good Nature conquered at length, Venus rise out of the Sea, and received into her bosom, and intangled in her imbraces the falling Æther, viz. The parts of lighter earth, which were mixt with the Air in that first separation, and gave it the name of Night, fell down upon the oily parts of the Sea-mass, which lay floating upon the surface of it, and by that union and conjunction, a new Body, and a new World was produced, which was the first habitable Earth. This is the interpretation of their mystical Philosophy of the Chaos, and the resolution of it into plain natural History: Which you may see more fully discust in the LatinTreatise.

We have already explained, in several places, the Golden Ageof the Ancients, and laid down such grounds as will enable us to discern what is real, and what Poetical, in the reports and characters that Antiquity hath given of those first Ages of the World. And if there be any thing amongst the Ancients that refers to another Earth, as Plato's Atlantis, which he says, was absorpt by an Earthquake, and an inundation, as the Primæval Earth was; or his ÆtherealEarth mentioned in his Phædo, which he opposeth to this broken hollow Earth; makes it to have long-lived inhabitants, and to be without Rains and Storms, as that first Earth was also; or the pendulous Gardensof Alcinous, or such like, to which nothing answers in present Nature, by reflecting upon the state of the first Earth, we find an easie explication of them. We have also explained what the Antichthonand Antichthonesof the Ancients were, and what the true ground of that distinction was. But nothing seems more remarkable than the inhabitability of the Torrid Zone, if we consider what a general fame and belief it had amongst the Ancients, and yet in the present form of the Earth we find no such thing, nor any foundation for it. I cannot believe that this was so universally received upon a slight presumption only, because it lay under the course of the Sun, if the Sun had then the same latitude from the Æquator in his course and motion that he hath now, and made the same variety of seasons; whereby even the honest parts of the Earth have a Winter, or something equivalent to it. But if we apply this to the Primæval Earth, whose posture was direct to the Sun, standing always fixt in its Equinoctial, we shall easily believe that the Torrid Zone was then uninhabitable by extremity of heat, there being no difference of seasons, noge ofr any chan weather, the Sun hanging always over head at the same distance, and in the same direction. Besides this, the descent of the Rivers in that first Earth was such, that they could never reach the Equinoctial parts, as we have shown before; by which means, and the want of Rain, that Region must necessarily be turned into a dry Desart. Now this being really the state of the first Earth, the fame and general belief that the Torrid Zone was uninhabitable had this true Original, and continued still with posterity after the Deluge, though the causes then were taken away; for they being ignorant of the change that was made in Nature at that time, kept up still the same Tradition and opinion currant, till observation and experience taught later Ages to correct it. As the true miracles that were in the Christian Church at first, occasioned a fame and belief of their continuance long after they had really ceast.

This gives an easie account, and, I think, the true cause, of that opinion, amongst the Ancients generally received, That the Torrid Zone was uninhabitable. I say generally received; for not only the Poets, both Greekand Latin, but their Philosophers, Astronomers and Geographers, had the same notion, and deliver'd the same doctrine; as Aristotle, Cleomedes, Achilles Tatius, Ptolomy, Cicero, Strabo, Mela, Pliny, Macrobius, &c. And to speak truth, the whole doctrine of the Zones is calculated more properly for the first Earth, than for the present; for the divisions and bounds of them now, are but arbitrary, being habitable all over, and having no visible distinction; whereas they were then determined by Nature, and the Globe of the Earth was really divided into so many Regions of a very different aspect and quality; which would have appeared at a distance, if they had been lookt upon from the Clouds, or from the Moon, as Jupiter's Belts, or as so many Girdles or Swathing-bands about the body of the Earth: And so the word imports, and so the Ancients use to call them Cinguliand Fasciæ. But in the present form of the Earth, if it was seen at a distance, no such distinction would appear in the parts of it, nor scarce any other but that of Land and Water, and of Mountains and Valleys, which are nothing to the purpose of Zones. And to add this note further, When the Earth lay in this regular form, divided into Regions or Walks, if I may so call them, as this gave occasion of its distinction by Zones, so if we might consider all that Earth as a Paradise, and Paradiseas a Garden, (for it is always called so in Scripture, and in JewishAuthors) as this Torrid Zone, bare of Grass and Trees, made a kind of Gravel-walk in the middle: so there was a green Walk on either hand of it, made by the temperate Zones; and beyond those lay a Canal, which watered the Garden from either side.

But to return to Antiquity; We may add under this Head another observation or doctrine amongst the Ancients, strange enough in appearance, which yet receives an easie explication from the preceding Theory; They say, The Polesof the World did once change their situation, and were at first in another posture from what they are in now, till that inclination happened; This the ancient Philosophers often make mention of, as Anaxagoras, Empedocles, Diogenes, Leucippus, Democritus; as may be seen in Laertius, and in Plutarch; and the Stars, they say, at first were carried about the Earth in a more uniform manner. This is no more than what we have observed and told you in other words, namely, that the Earth changed its posture at the Deluge, and thereby made these seeming changes in the Heavens; its Poles before pointed to the Poles of the Ecliptick, which now point to the Poles of the Æquator, and its Axis is become parallel with that Axis; and this is the mystery and interpretation of what they say in other terms; this makes the different aspect of the Heavens, and of its Poles: And I am apt to think, that those changes in the course of the Stars, which the Ancients sometimes speak of, and especially the Ægyptians, if they did not proceed from defects in their Calendar, had no other Physical account than this.

And as they say the Poles of the World were in another situation at first, so at first they say, there was no variety of seasons in the Year, as in their Golden Age. Which is very coherent with all the rest, and still runs along with the Theory. And you may observe, that all these things we have instanced in hitherto, are but links of the same chain, in connexion and dependance upon one another. When the Primæval Earth was made out of the Chaos, its form and posture was such, as, of course, brought on all those Scenes which Antiquity hath kept the remembrance of: though now in another state of Nature they seem very strange; especially being disguised, as some of them are, by their odd manner of representing them. That the Poles of the World stood once in another posture; That the Year had no diversity of Seasons; That the Torrid Zone was uninhabitable; That the two Hemispheres had no possibility of intercourse, and such like: These all hang upon the same string; or lean one upon another as Stones in the same Building; whereof we have, by this Theory, laid the very foundation bare, that you may see what they all stand upon, and in what order.

There is still one remarkable Notion or Doctrine amongst the Ancients, which we have not spoken to; ’tis partly Symbolical, and the propriety of the Symbol, or of the Application of it, hath been little understood; ’Tis their doctrine of the Mundane Egg, or their comparing the World to an Egg, and especially in the original composition of it. This seems to be a mean comparison, the World and an Egg, what proportion, or what resemblance betwixt these two things? And yet I do not know any Symbolical doctrine, or conclusion, that hath been so universally entertained by the Mystæ, or Wise and Learned, of all Nations; as hath been noted before in the Fifth Chapter of the First Book, and at large in the LatinTreatise. ’Tis certain, that by the Worldin this similitude, they do not mean the Great Universe, for that hath neither Figure, nor any determinate form of composition, and it would be a great vanity and rashness in any one to compare this to an Egg; The works of God are immense, as his nature is infinite, and we cannot make any image or resemblance of either of them; but this comparison is to be understood of the Sublunary World, or of the Earth; And for a general key to Antiquity upon this Argument, we may lay this down as a Maxim or Canon, That what the Ancients have said concerning the form and figure of the World, or concerning the Original of it from a Chaos, or about its periods and dissolution, are never to be understood of the Great Universe, but of our Earth, or of this Sublunary and Terrestrial World. And this observation being made, do but reflect upon our Theory of the Earth, the manner of its composition at first, and the figure of it, being compleated, and you will need no other interpreter to understand this mystery. We have showed there, that the figure of it, when finisht, was Oval, and the inward form of it was a frame of four Regions incompassing one another, where that of Fire lay in the middle like the Yolk, and a shell of Earth inclosed them all. This gives a solution so easie and natural, and shows such an aptness and elegancy in the representation, that one cannot doubt, upon a view, and compare of circumstances, but that we have truly found out the Riddle of the Mundane Egg.

To these illustrations of Antiquity in things Natural and Geographical, give me leave to add, and to resolve from the same Theory, one Historical difficulty; and ’twill seem, ’tis likely, of no less moment than any we have hitherto insisted upon, and I am sure hath exercised the Pens of many Learned men with small or no success. ’Tis to give an account of the Original of the people of America, how that Continent was first peopled and inhabited, or any other Continent distinct from ours, wherein we suppose Adamto have lived, and to have propagated his posterity. ’Tis certain, that all Mankind came from one Head, or from one common Parent; Certain, I say, according to the History of Moses, confirm'd by Apostolical authority; and ’tis also admitted on all hands that Adamafter his expulsion out of Paradise, wheresoever he was before, lived in this Continent, which being encompassed with great Seas, and separate from Americaon either side, how could the children of Adampass the wide Ocean, to hunt out remote habitations in America? How easie is the answer to this great Question, which hath imployed the time of so many Learned men to resolve? Or rather how suddenly doth it vanish at the sight of truth, as a phantom at the approach of light? The ground sinks under it that it seemed to stand upon; Adam's Earth was not broken into Continents and Islands, as ours is, nor the parts of it separated by Seas and Mountains; ’twas one continued and smooth surface, and gave free and easie passage from the rising to the setting Sun: So according as his progeny increast, and new swarms were ready to go abroad, they might spread themselves on either hand, East and West, without any interruption or impediment; neither Sea, Mountain, nor Desart would stand in their way. ’Tis true, the passage was not so free North and South, they could not go out of one Hemisphere into another, but Providence seems to have made provision for that, in transplanting Adaminto this Hemisphere, after he had laid the foundation of a World in the Other.

We see then the great difficulty concerning the peopling the several Continents and Islands of the Earth, and particularly of America, easily removed by this Hypothesis; The propagation of Mankind, and of all sorts of Animals into those several portions of the World, may readily be understood, if you admit the true form of the first Earth: But without that ’tis an endless controversie, as those commonly are that proceed upon a false supposition. I will not examine here the several projects and methods that have been proposed, some by one Author, and some by another, for getting people into America; they confute one another, methinks, very well; and to show, as we have done, that the ground they go upon is imaginary, is a compendious way of confuting them all together. However, those that will not admit our Hypothesis, concerning the continuity and uniformity of the first Earth, stand obliged still to give us an account of the propagation of Mankind from one Head, and how the posterity of Adamgot into America.

’Twill be said, possibly, that this doth not intirely remove the difficulty, because it returns again after the Flood; and then we suppose the Earth broken into Continents and Islands, in the same manner that it is now; How then did the posterity of Noahget into America, to people it after the Flood? I do not know that ever they got into Americatill Columbuswent thither in the last Age, who, for any thing I know, was the first of Noah's progeny that ever set foot in that Continent. Scripture tells us, that all Mankind rise from one Head, namely, from Adam, and his fault was derived to posterity, but no where that Noahwas the common Head of Mankind that hath been since his time, nor does any doctrine of faith, that I know of, depend upon that supposition. When the great frame of the Earth broke at the Deluge, Providence fore-see into how many Continents it would be divided after the ceasing of the Flood, and accordingly, as we may reasonably suppose, made provision to save a remnant in every Continent, that the race of Mankind might not be quite extinct in any of them. What provision he made in our Continent we know from Sacred History, but as that takes notice of no other Continent but ours, so neither could it take notice of any method that was used there for saving of a remnant of men; but ’twere great presumption, methinks, to imagine that Providence had a care of none but us, or could not find out ways of preservation in other places, as well as in that where our habitations were to be. Asia, Africkand Europewere repeopled by the Sons of Noah, Shem, Ham, and Japhet, but we read nothing of their going over into America, or sending any Colonies thither; and that World which is near as big as ours, must have stood long without people, or any thing of Humane race in it, after the Flood, if it stood so till this was full, or till men navigated the Ocean, and by chance discovered it: It seems more reasonable to suppose, that there was a stock providentially reserved there, as well as here, out of which they sprung again; but we do not pretend in an Argument of this nature to define or determine any thing positively. To conclude, as this is but a secondary difficulty, and of no great force, so neither is it any thing peculiar to us, or to our Hypothesis, but alike common to both; and if they can propose any reasonable way, whereby the Sons of Noahmight be transplanted into America, with all my heart; but all the ways that I have met with hitherto, have seemed to me meer fictions, or meer presumptions. Besides, finding Birds and Beasts there, which are no where upon our Continent, nor would live in our Countries if brought hither, ’tis a fair conjecture that they were not carried from us, but originally bred and preserved there.

Thus much for the illustration of Antiquity in some points of Humane literature, by our Theory of the Primæval Earth; There is also in Christian Antiquitya Tradition or Doctrine, that appears as obscure and as much a Paradox as any of these, and better deserves an illustration, because it relates more closely and expressly to our present subject: ’Tis that Notion or Opinion amongt the Ancients concerning Paradise, that it was seated as high as the Sphere of the Moon, or within the Lunar Circle. This looks very strange, and indeed extravagantly, at first sight, but the wonder will cease, if we understand this not of Paradise taken apart from the rest of the Earth, but of the whole Primæval Earth, wherein the Seat of Paradisewas; That was really seated much higher than the present Earth, and may be reasonably supposed to have been as much elevated as the tops of our Mountains are now. And that phrase of reaching to the Sphere of the Moon, signifies no more than those other expressions of reaching to Heaven, or reaching above the Clouds, which are phrases commonly used to express the height of Buildings, or of Mountains, and such like things: So the Builders of Babelsaid, they would make a Tower should reach to Heaven; Olympusand Parnassusare said by the Poets to reach to Heaven, or to rise above the Clouds; And Plinyand Solinususe this very expression of the Lunar Circle, when they describe the height of Mount Atlas, Eductus in viciniam Lunaris Circuli. The Ancients, I believe, aimed particularly by this phrase, to express an height above the middle Region, or above our Atmosphere, that Paradisemight be serene; and where our Atmosphere ended, they reckoned the Sphere of the Moon begun, and therefore said it reached to the Sphere of the Moon. Many of the Christian Fathers exprest their opinion concerning the high situation of Paradisein plain and formal terms, as St. Basil, Damascen, Moses Bar Cepha, &c. but this phrase of reaching to the Lunar Circleis repeated by several of them, and said to be of great Antiquity. Aquinas, Albertus, and others, ascribe it to Bede, but many to St. Austin; and therefore Ambrosius Catharinusis angry with their great Schoolman, that he should derive it from Bede, seeing St. Austinwriting to Orosius, delivered this doctrine, which surely, says He, St. Austinneither feigned nor dreamed only, but had received it from Antiquity: And from so great Antiquity, that it was no less than Apostolical, if we credit Albertus Magnus, and the ancient Books he appeals to; for He says this Tradition was derived as high as from St. Thomasthe Apostle. His words are these, after he had delivered his own opinion. Hoc tamen dico, &c. But this I say, without prejudice to the better opinion, for I have found it in some most ancient Books, that Thomasthe Apostle was the Author of that opinion, which is usually attributed to Bedeand Strabus, namely, that Paradisewas so high as to reach to the Lunar Circle. But thus much concerning this Opinion, and concerning Antiquity.

To conclude all, we see this Theory, which was drawn only by a thred of Reason, and the Laws of Nature, abstractly from all Antiquity, notwithstanding casts a light upon many passages there, which were otherwise accounted fictions, or unintelligible truths; and though we do not alledge these as proofs of the Theory, for it carries its own light and proof with it, yet whether we will or no, they do mutually confirm, as well as illustrate, one another; And ’tis a pleasure also, when one hath wrought out truth by meer dint of thinking, and examination of causes, and proposed it plainly and openly, to meet with it again amongst the Ancients, disguised, and in an old fashioned dress: scarce to be known or discovered, but by those that before-hand knew it very well. And it would be a further pleasure and satisfaction, to have rendered those Doctrines and Notions, for the future, intelligible and useful to others, as well as delightful to our selves.


Book II: Chapter VII

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

by Thomas Burnet

THE THEORY OF THE EARTH

Book 2

Concerning the PRIMAL EARTH, AND PARADISE.


CHAPTER VII

The place of Paradisecannot be determined from the Theory only, nor from Scripture only; what the sence of Antiquity was concerning it, both as to the Jews and Heathens, and especially as to the Christian Fathers; That they generally placed it out of this Continent, in the Southern Hemisphere.

WE have now prepared our work for the last finishing stroaks; described the first Earth, and compared it with the Present; and not only the two Earths, but in a good measure the whole State and Oeconomy of those two Worlds. It remains only to determine the place of Paradisein that Primæval Earth; I say, in that Primæval Earth, for we have driven the point so far already, that the seat of it could not be in the present Earth, whose Form, Site, and Air are so disposed, as could not consist with the first and most indispensable properties of Paradise: And accordingly, we see with what ill success our modern Authors have ranged over the Earth, to find a fit spot of ground to plant Paradisein; some would set it on the top of an high Mountain, that it might have good Air and fair weather, as being above the Clouds, and the middle Region; but then they were at a loss for Water, which made a great part of the pleasure and beauty of that place; Others therefore would seat it in a Plain, or in a River-Island, that they might have Water enough, but then it would be subject to the injuries of the Air, and foul weather at the seasons of the Year, from which, both Reason and all Authority have exempted Paradise. ’Tis like seeking a perfect beauty in a mortal Body, there are so many things required to it, as to complexion, Features, Proportions and Air, that they never meet altogether in one person; neither can all the properties of a Terrestrial Paradiseever meet together in one place, though never so well chosen, in this present Earth.

But in the Primæval Earth, which we have described, ’tis easie to find a Seat that had all those beauties and conveniences; we have every where, through the temperate Climates, a clear and constant Air, a fruitful Soil, pleasant Waters, and all the general characters of Paradise; so that the trouble will be rather, in that competition, what part or Region to pitch upon in particular. But to come as near it as we can, we must remember in the first place, how that Earth was divided into two Hemispheres, distant and separated from one another, not by an imaginary line, but by a real boundary that could not be past; so as the first inquiry will be, in whether of these Hemispheres was the Seat of Paradise. To answer this only according to our Theory, I confess, I see no natural reason or occasion to place it in one Hemisphere more than in another, I see no ground of difference or pre-eminence, that one had above the other; and I am apt to think, that depended rather upon the will of God, and the Series of Providence that was to follow in this Earth, than upon any natural incapacity in one of these two Regions more than in the other, for planting in it the Garden of God. Neither doth Scripture determine, with any certainty, either Hemisphere for the place of it; for when ’tis said to be in Eden, or to be the Garden of Eden, ’tis no more than the Garden of pleasureor delight, as the word signifies: And even the Septuagint, who render this word Eden, as a proper name twice, (Gen. 2. ver. 8 & 10) do in the same story render it twice as a common name, signifying τρυ, pleasure, (Chap. 2. 15 and Chap. 3. 24) and so they do accordingly render it in Ezekiel(Chap. 31. 9, 16, 18) where this Garden of Edenis spoken of again. Some have thought that the word Mekiddim(Geb. 2. 8) was to be rendered in the East, or Eastward, as we read it, and therefore determined the site of Paradise; but ’tis only the SeptuagintTranslate it so, all the other GreekVersions, and St. Jerom, the Vulgate, the ChaldeeParaphrase, and the Syriackrender it from the beginning, or in the beginning, or to that effect. And we that do not believe the Septuagintto have been infallible, or inspired, have no reason to prefer their single authority above all the rest. Some also think the place of Paradisemay be determined by the four Rivers that are named as belonging to it, and the Countries they ran thorough; but the names of those Rivers are to me uncertain, and two of them altogether unintelligible. Where are there four Rivers in our Continent that come from one Head, as these are said to have done, either at the entrance or issue of the Garden. ’Tis true, if you admit our Hypothesis, concerning the fraction and disruption of the Earth at the Deluge, then we cannot expect to find Rivers now as they were before, the general Source is changed, and their Chanels are all broke up; but if you do not admit such a dissolution of the Earth, but suppose the Deluge to have been only like a standing Pool, after it had once covered the surface of the Earth, I do not see why it should make any great havock or confusion in it; and they that go that way, are therefore the more obliged to show us still the Rivers of Paradise. Several of the Ancients, as we shall show hereafter, supposed these four Rivers to have their Heads in the other Hemisphere, and if so, the Seat of Paradisemight be there too. But let them first agree amongst themselves, concerning these Rivers, and the Countries they run thorough, and we will undertake to show, that there cannot be any such in this Continent.

Seeing then neither the Theory doth determine, nor Scripture, where the place of Paradisewas, nor in whether Hemisphere, we must appeal to Antiquity, or the opinions of the Ancients; for I know no other Guide, but one of these three, Scripture, Reason, and ancient Tradition; and where the two former are silent, it seems very reasonable to consult the third. And that our Inquiries may be comprehensive enough, we will consider what the Jews, what the Heathens, and what the ChristianFathers have said or determined concerning the Seat of Paradise. The Jewsand HebrewDoctors place it in neither Hemisphere, but betwixt both, under the Æquinoctial, as you may see plainly in Abravanel, Manasses Ben-Israel, Maimonides, Aben Ezra, and others. But the reason why they carried it no further than the Line, is because they supposed it certain, as Aben Ezratells us, that the days and nights were always equal in Paradise, and they did not know how that could be, unless it stood under the Æquinoctial. But we have shown another method, wherein that perpetual Æquinox came to pass, and how it was common to all the parts and Climates of that Earth, which if they had been aware of, and that the Torrid Zone at that time was utterly uninhabitable, having removed their Paradisethus far from home, they would probably have removed it a little further, into the temperate Climates of the other Hemisphere.

The Ancient Heathens, Poets and Philosophers, had the notion of Paradise, or rather of several Paradisesin the Earth; and ’tis remarkable, that they placed them generally, if not all of them, out of this Continent; in the Ocean, or beyond it, or in another Orb or Hemisphere. The Garden of the Hesperides, the Fortunate Islands, the Elysian Fields, Ogygiaand Toprabane, as it is described by Diodorus Siculus, with others such like; which as they were all characterized like so many Paradises, so they were all seated out of our Continent by their Geography and descriptions of them.

Thus far Antiquity seems to incline to the other Hemisphere, or to some place beyond the bounds of our Continent for the Seat of Paradise; But that which we are most to depend upon in this affair, is Christian Antiquity, the Judgment and Tradition of the Fathers upon this Argument. And we may safely say in the first place, negatively, that none of the Christian Fathers, Latinor Greek, ever placed Paradisein Mesopotamia; that is a conceit and invention of some modern Authors, which hath been much incouraged of late, because it gave men ease and rest as to further inquiries, in an argument they could not well manage. Secondly, we may affirm, that none of the Christian Fathers have placed Paradisein any determinate Region of our Continent, AsiaAfrickor Europe. I have read of one or two Authors, I think, that fansied Paradiseto have been at Jerusalem, but ’twas a meer fancy, that no body regarded or pursued. The controversie amongst the Fathers concerning Paradise, was quite another thing from what it is now of late: They disputed and controverted, whether Paradisewas Corporeal, or Intellectual only, and Allegorical; This was the grand point amongst them. Then of those that thought it Corporeal, some placed it high in the Air, some inaccessible by Desarts or Mountains, and many beyond the Ocean, or in another World; And in these chiefly consisted the differences and diversity of opinions amongst them; nor do we find that they named any particular place or Country in the known parts of the Earth for the Seat of Paradise, or that one contested for one spot of ground, and another for another, which is the vain temerity of modern Authors; as if they could tell to an Acre of Land where Paradisestood, or could set their foot upon the Center of the Garden. These have corrupted and misrepresented the notion of our Paradise, just as some modern Poets have the notion of the Elysian Fields, which Homerand the Ancients placed remote on the extremities of the Earth, and these would make a little green Meadow in Campania Felixto be the famed Elysium.

Thus much concerning the Fathers, negatively; but to discover as far as we can, what their positive Assertions were in this Argument, we may observe, that though their opinions be differently exprest, they generally concenter in this, that the Southern Hemispherewas the Seat of Paradise. This, I say, seems manifestly to be the sence of Christian Antiquity and Tradition, so far as there is any thing definitive in the remains we have upon that subject. Some of the Fathers did not believe Paradiseto be Corporeal and Local, and those are to be laid aside in the first place, as to this point; Others that thought it Local, did not determine any thing (as most of them indeed did not) concerning the particular place of it; But the rest that did, though they have exprest themselves in various ways, and under various forms, yet, upon a due interpretation, they all meet in one common and general conclusion, That Paradisewas seated beyond the Æquinoctial, or in the other Hemisphere.

And to understand this aright, we must reflect, in the first place, upon the form of the Primæval Earth, and of the two Hemispheres of which it consisted, altogether incommunicable one with another, by reason of the Torrid Zone betwixt them; so as those two Hemispheres were then as two distinct Worlds, or distinct Earths, that had no commerce with one another. And this Notion or Tradition we find amongst Heathen Authors, as well as Christian, this Opposite Earth being called by them Antichthon, and its Inhabitants Antichthones: For those words comprehend both the Antipodesand Antœci, or all beyond the Line, as is manifest from their best Authors, as Achilles Tatius, and Cæsar Germanicusupon Aratus, Probus Grammaticus, Censorinus, Pomponius Mela, and Pliny. And these were called another World, and lookt upon as another stock and race of Mankind, as appears from Ciceroand Macrobius; But as the latter part was their mistake, so the former is acknowledged by Christian Authors, as well as others; and particularly St. Clement, in his Epistle to the Corinthians, mentions a World, or Worlds beyond the Ocean, subject to Divine Providence, and the great Lord of Nature, as well as ours. This passage of St. Clementis also cited by St. Jerom, in his Commentary upon Ephes. 2. 2 and by Origen Periarchon, where the Inhabittants of that other World are called Antichthones.

I make this remark in the first place, that we may understand the true sence and importance of those phrases and expressions amongst the Ancients, when they say Paradisewas in another World. Which are not to be so understood, as if they thought Paradisewas in the Moon, or in Jupiter, or hung above like a Cloud or a Meteor, they were not so extravagant; but that Paradisewas in another Hemisphere, which was called Antichthon, another Earth, or another Worldfrom Ours; and justly reputed so, because of an impossibility of commerce or intercourse betwixt their respective Inhabitants. And this remark being premised, we will now distribute the Christian Authors and Fathers that have delivered their opinion concerning the place of Paradise, into three or four ranks or orders; and though they express themselves differently, you will see, when duly examined and expounded, they all conspire and concur in the forementioned conclusion, Thatthe Seat of Paradisewas in the other Hemisphere.

In the first rank then we will place and reckon those that have set Paradisein another World, or in another Earth; seeing, according to the foregoing Explication, that is the same thing, as to affirm it seated beyond the Torrid Zone in the other Hemisphere. In this number are Ephrem Syrus, Moses Bar Cepha, Tatianus, and of later date Jacobus de Valentia. To these are to be added again such Authors as say, that Adam, when he was turned out of Paradise, was brought into our Earth, or into our Region of the Earth; for this is tantamount with the former; And this seems to be the sence of St. Jeromin several places against Jovinian, as also of Constantine, in his Oration in Eusebius, and is positively asserted by Sulpitius Severus. And lastly, those Authors that represent Paradiseas remote from our World, and inaccessible, so St. Austin, Procopius Gazeus, Beda, Strabus Fuldensis, Historia Scholiastica, and others, these, I say, pursue the same notion of Antiquity; for what is remote from our World (that is, from our Continent, as 1 we before explained it) is to be understood to be that Antichthon, or Anti-hemisphere which the Ancients opposed to ours.

Another sett of Authors, that interpret the Flaming Swordthat guarded Paradiseto be the Torrid Zone, do plainly intimate, that Paradisein their opinion lay beyond the Torrid Zone, or in the Anti-hemisphere; And thus Tertullianinterprets the Flaming Sword, and in such words as fully confirm our sence: Paradise, He says, by the Torrid Zone, as by a wall of Fire, was severed from the communication and knowledge of our World. It lay then on the other side of this Zone. And St. Cyprian, or the ancient Author that passeth under his name, in his Comment upon Genesis, expresseth himself to the same effect; so also St. Austinand Isidore Hispalensisare thought to interpret it: And Aquinas, who makes Paradiseinaccessible, gives this reason for it, Propter vehementiam æstûs in locis intermediis ex propinquitate Solis, & hoc significatur per Flammeum Gladium: Because of that vehement heat in the parts betwixt us and that, arising from the nearness of the Sun, and this is signified by the Flaming Sword. And this interpretation of the Flaming Swordreceives a remarkable force and Emphasis from our Theory and description of the Primæval Earth, for there the Torrid Zone was as a wall of Fire indeed, or a Region of flame which none could pass or subsist in, no more than in a Furnace.

There is another form of expression amongst the Ancients concerning Paradise, which, if deciphered, is of the same force and signification with this we have already instanced in; They say sometimes, Paradise was beyond the Ocean, or that the Rivers of Paradisecame from beyond the Ocean. This is of the same import with the former Head, and points still at the other Hemisphere; for, as we noted before, some of them fixt their Antichthonand Antichthonesbeyond the Ocean; that is, since there was an Ocean, Since the form of the Earth was changed, and the Torrid Zone become habitable, and consequently could not be a boundary or separation betwixt the two Worlds. Wherefore, as some run still upon the old division by the Torrid Zone, others took the new division by the Ocean. Which Ocean they supposed to lie from East to West betwixt the Tropicks; as may be seen in ancient Authors, Geminus, Herodotus, Cicero de Republicâ, and Clemens Romanus, whom we cited before. St. Austin also speaks upon the same supposition, when he would confute the doctrine of the Antipodes, or Antichthones; and Macrobius, I remember, makes it an Argument of Providence, that the Sun and the Planets, in what part of their course soever they are betwixt the two Tropicks, have still the Ocean under them, that they may be cooled and nourisht by its moisture. They thought the Sea, like a Girdle, went round the Earth, and the temperate Zones on either side were the habitable Regions, whereof this was called the Oicouméne, and the other Antichthon.

This being observed, ’tis not material, whether their Notion was true or false, it shows us what their meaning was, and what part of the Earth they designed, when they spoke of any thing beyond the Ocean; namely, that they meant beyond the Line, in the other Hemisphere, or in the Antichthon; and accordingly, when they say Paradise, or the Fountains of its Rivers were beyond the Ocean, they say the same thing in other terms with the rest of those Authors we have cited. In Moses Bar Cephaabove mentioned, we find a Chapter upon this subject, Quomodo trajecerint Mortales inde ex Paradisi terrâ in hanc Terram? How Mankind past out of that Earth or Continent where Paradisewas, into that where we are?Namely, how they past the Ocean, that lay betwixt them, as the answer there given explains it. And so Ephrem Syrusis cited often in that Treatise, placing Paradisebeyond the Ocean. The Essenesalso, who were the most Philosophick Sect of the Jews, placed Paradise, according to Josephus, beyond the Ocean, under a perfect temperature of Air. And that passage in Eusebius, in the Oration of Constantine, being corrected and restored to the true reading, represents Paradise, in like manner, as in another Continent, from whence Adamwas brought, after his transgression, into this. And lastly, there are some Authors, whose testimony and authority may deserve to be considered, not for their own Antiquity, but because they are professedly transcribers of Antiquity and Traditions, such as Strabus, Comestor, and the like, who are known to give this account or report of Paradisefrom the Ancients, that it was interposito Oceano ab Orbe nostro vel à Zonâ nostrâ habitabili secretus, Separated from our Orb or Hemisphere by the interposition of the Ocean.

It is also observable, that many of the Ancients that took Tigris, Euphrates, Nileand Gangesfor the Rivers of Paradise, said that those Heads or Fountains of them which we have in our Continent, are but their Capita secunda, their second Sources, and that their first Sources were in another Orb where Paradisewas; and thus Hugo de Sancto Victoresays, Sanctos communiter sensisse, that the Holy men of old were generally of that opinion. To this sence also Moses Bar Cephaoften expresseth himself; as also Epiphanius, Procopius Gazeus, and Severianus in Catenâ. Which notion amongst the Ancients, concerning the trajection or passage of the Paradisiacal Rivers under-ground, or under-Sea, from one Continent into another, is to me, I confess, unintelligible, either in the first or second Earth; but however it discovers their sence and opinion of the Seat of Paradise, that it was not to be sought for in Asiaor in Africk, where those Rivers rise to us, but in some remoter parts of the World, where they supposed their first Sources to be.

This is a short account of what the Christian Fathers have left us, concerning the Seat of Paradise; and the truth is, ’tis but a short and broken account; yet ’tis no wonder it should be so, if we consider, as we noted before, that several of them did not believe Paradiseto be Local and Corporeal; Others that did believe it so, yet did not offer to determine the place of it, but left that matter wholly untoucht and undecided; And the rest that did speak to that point, did it commonly both in general terms, and in expressions that were disguised, and needed interpretation; but all these differences and obscurities of expression, you see, when duly stated and expounded, may signifie one and the same thing, and terminate all in this common Conclusion, That Paradisewas without our Continent, according to the general opinion and Tradition of Antiquity. And I do not doubt but the Tradition would have been both more express and more universal, if the Ancients had understood Geography better; for those of the Ancients that did not admit or believe, that there were Antipodesor Antichthones, as Lactantius, St. Austin, and some others, these could not joyn in the common opinion about the place of Paradise, because they thought there was no Land, nor any thing habitable ἔξω τ῾ οἰκουμγύης, or besides this Continent. And yet St. Austinwas so cautious, that as he was bounded on the one hand by his false Ideaof the Earth, that he could not joyn with Antiquity as to the place of Paradise; so on the other hand he had that respect for it, that he would not say any thing to the contrary; therefore being to give his opinion, he says only, Terrestrem esse Paradisum, & locum ejus ab hominum cognitione esse remotissimum: That it is somewhere upon the Earth, but the place of it very remote from the knowledge of Men.

And as their ignorance of the Globe of the Earth was one reason, why the doctrine of Paradisewas so broken and obscure, so another reason why it is much more so at present is, because the chief ancient Books writ upon that subject, are lost; Ephrem Syrus, who lived in the Fourth Century, writ a Commentary in Genesin sive de Ortu rerum, concerning the Origin of the Earth; and by those remains that are cited from it, we have reason to believe, that it contained many things remarkable concerning the first Earth, and concerning Paradise, Tertullianalso writ a Book de Paradiso, which is wholly lost; and we see to what effect it would have been, by his making the Torrid Zone to be the Flaming Sword, and the partition betwixt this Earth and Paradise; which two Earths he more than once distinguisheth as very different from one another. The most ancient Author that I know upon this subject, at least of those that writ of it literally, is Moses Bar Cepha, a SyrianBishop, who lived about seven hundred years since, and his Book is translated into Latin, by that Learned and Judicious man, Andreas Masius. Bar Cephawrites upon the same Views of Paradisethat we have here presented, that it was beyond the Ocean, in another tract of Land, or another Continent from that which we inhabit: As appears from the very Titles of his Eighth, Tenth, and Fourteenth Chapters. But we must allow him for his mistaken Notions about the form of the Earth; for he seems to have fansied the Earth plain, (not only as opposed to rough and Mountainous, for so it was plain; but as opposed to Spherical) and the Ocean to have divided it in two parts, an Interiour, and an Exteriour, and in that Exteriour part was Paradise. Such allowances must often be made for Geographical mistakes, in examining and understanding the writings of the Ancients. The rest of the Syrian Fathers, as well as Ephremand Bar Cepha, incline to the same doctrine of Paradise, and seem to have retained more of the ancient Notions concerning it, than the Greekand LatinFathers have; and yet there is in all some fragments of this doctrine, and but fragments in the best.

We might add in that last place, that as the most ancient Treatises concerning Paradiseare lost, so also the ancient Glossesand Catenæupon Scripture, where we might have found the Traditions and Opinions of the Ancients upon this subject, are many of them either lost or unpublisht; And upon this consideration we did not think it improper to cite some Authors of small Antiquity, but such as have transcribed several things out of ancient Manuscript-glosses into their Commentaries: They living however before Printing was invented, or Learning well restored, and before the Reformation. I add that also before the Reformation, for since that time the Protestant Authors having lessened the authority of Traditions, the Pontificial Doctors content themselves to insist only upon such as they thought were useful or necessary, left by multiplying others that were but matter of curiosity, they should bring the first into question, and render the whole doctrine of Traditions more dubious and exceptionable; And upon this account, there are some Authors that writ an Age or two before the Reformation, that have with more freedom told us the Tenets and Traditions of the Ancients in these Speculations, that are but collateral to Religion, than any have done since. And I must confess, I am apt to think that what remains concerning the doctrine of Paradise, and the Primæval Earth, is in a good measure Traditional; for one may observe, that those that treat upon these subjects, quote the true Opinions, and tell you some of the Ancients held so and so, as That Paradisewas in another Earth, or higher than this Earth, That there were no Mountains before the Flood, nor any Rain, and such like: yet they do not name those ancient Authors that held these Opinions; which makes me apt to believe, either that they were conveyed by a Traditional communication from one to another, or that there were other Books extant upon those subjects, or other Glosses, than what are now known.

Finally, to conclude this Discourse concerning the Seat of Paradise, we must mind you again upon what Basis it stands. We declared freely, that we could not by our Theory alone determine the particular place of it, only by that we are assured that it was in the Primæval Earth, and not in the present; but in what Region, or in whether Hemisphere of that Earth it was seated, we cannot define from Speculation only. ’Tis true, if we hold fast to that Scripture-conclusion, That all Mankind rise from one Head, and from one and the same Stock and Lineage, (which doth not seem to be according to the sentiments of the Heathens) we must suppose they were born in one Hemisphere, and after some time translated into the other, or a Colony of them; But this still doth not determine, in whether of the two they begun, and were first seated before their translation; and I am apt to think that depended rather, as we noted before, upon the Divine pleasure, and the train of affairs that was to succeed, than upon Natural causes and differences. Some of the Ancients, I know, made both the Soil and the Stars more noble in the Southern Hemisphere, than in ours, but I do not see any proof or warrant for it; wherefore laying aside all natural Topicks, we are willing, in this particular, to refer our selves wholly to the report and majority of Votes amongst the Ancients; who yet do not seem to me to lay much stress upon the notion of a particular and topical Paradise, and therefore use general and remote expressions concerning it. And finding no place for it in this Continent, they are willing to quit their hands of it, by placing it in a Region some-where far off, and inaccessible. This, together with the old Tradition, that Paradise was in another Earth, seems to me to give an account of most of their Opinions concerning the Seat of Paradise.


Footnotes

185:1 Οχουμένη.


Book II: Chapter VI

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

by Thomas Burnet

THE THEORY OF THE EARTH

Book 2

Concerning the PRIMAL EARTH, AND PARADISE.


CHAPTER VI

A Recollection and Review of what hath been said concerning the Primitive Earth; with a more full Survey of the State of the first World, Natural and Civil, and the comparison of it with the present World.

WE have now, in a good measure, finisht our description of the first and Ante-diluvian Earth; And as Travellers, when they see strange Countries, make it part of their pleasure and imEvidencement, to compare them with their own, to observe the differences, and wherein they excel, or come short of one another: So it will not be unpleasant, nor unuseful, it may be, having made a discovery, not of a new Country, but of a new World, and travelled it over in our thoughts and fancy, now to sit down and compare it with our own: And ’twill be no hard task, from the general differences which we have taken notice of already, to observe what lesser would arise, and what the whole face of Nature would be.

’Tis also one fruit of travelling, that by seeing variety of places and people, of humours, fashions, and forms of living, it frees us, by degrees, from that pedantry and littleness of Spirit, whereby we are apt to censure every thing for absurd and ridiculous, that is not according to our own way, and the mode of our own Country; But if instead of crossing the Seas, we could waft our selves over to our neighbouring Planets, we should meet with such varieties there, both in Nature and Mankind, as would very much enlarge our thoughts and Souls, and help to cure those diseases of little minds, that make them troublesome to others, as well as uneasie to themselves.

But seeing our heavy Bodies are not made for such Voyages, the best and greatest thing we can do in this kind, is to make a Survey and reflection upon the Ante-diluvian Earth, which in some sence was another World from this, and it may be, as different as some two Planets are from one another. We have declared already the general grounds upon which we must proceed, and must now trace the consequences of them, and drive them down into particulars, which will show us in most things, wherein that Earth, or that World, differed from the present. The form of that Earth, and its situation to the Sun, were two of its most fundamental differences from ours; As to the form of it, ’twas all one smooth Continent, one continued surface of earth, without any Sea, any Mountains, or Rocks; any Holes, Dens or Caverns: And the situation of it to the Sun was such as made a perpetual Æquinox. These two joyned together, lay the foundation of a new Astronomy, Meteorology, Hydrography and Geography; such as were proper and peculiar to that World. The Earth by this means having its Axis parallel to the Axis of the Ecliptick, the Heavens would appear in another posture: And their diurnal motion, which is imputed to the Primum Mobile, and supposed to be upon the Poles of the Æquator, would then be upon the same Poles with the second and Periodical motions of the Orbs and Planets, namely, upon the Poles of the Ecliptick; by which means the Phænomenaof the Heavens would be more simple and regular, and much of that intangledness and perplexity, which we find now in Astronomy, would be taken away. Whether the Sun and the Moon would suffer any Eclipses then, cannot well be determined, unless one knew what the course of the Moon was at that time, or whether she was then come into our neighbourhood: Her presence seems to have been less needful when there were no long Winter-nights, nor the great Pool of the Sea to move or govern.

As for the Regions of the Air and the Meteors, we have in the preceding Chapter set down what the state of them would be, and in how much a better order, and more peaceable, that Kingdom was, till the Earth was broken and displaced, and the course of Nature chang'd: Nothing violent, nothing frightful, nothing troublesome or incommodious to Mankind, came from above, but the countenance of the Heavens was always smooth and serene. I have often thought it a very desirable piece of power, if a man could but command a fair day, when he had occasion for it, for himself, or for his friends; ’tis more than the greatest Prince or Potentate upon Earth can do; yet they never wanted one in that World, nor ever see a foul one. Besides, they had constant breezes from the motion of the Earth, and the course of the Vapours, which cooled the open Plains, and made the weather temperate, as well as fair. But we have spoken enough in other places upon this subject of the Air and the Heavens, Let us now descend to the Earth.

The Earth was divided into two Hemispheres, separated by the Torrid Zone, which at that time was uninhabitable, and utterly unpassable; so as the two Hemispheres made two distinct Worlds, which, so far as we can judge, had no manner of commerce or communication one with another. The Southern Hemisphere the Ancients called Antichthon, the Opposite Earth, or the Other World. And this name and notion remained long after the reason of it had ceast. Just as the Torrid Zone was generally accounted uninhabitable by the Ancients, even in their time, because it really had been so once, and the Tradition remained uncorrected, when the causes were taken away; namely, when the Earth had changed its posture to the Sun after the Deluge.

This may be lookt upon as the first division of that Primæval Earth, into two Hemispheres, naturally severed and disunited: But it was also divided into five Zones, two Frigid, two Temperate, and the Torrid betwixt them. And this distinction of the Globe into five Zones, I think, did properly belong to that Original Earth, and Primitive Geography, and improperly, and by translation only, to the present. For all the Zones of our Earth are habitable, and their distinctions are in a manner but imaginary, not fixt by Nature; whereas in that Earth where the Rivers failed, and the Regions became uninhabitable, by reason of driness and heat, there begun the Torrid Zone; and where the Regions became uninhabitable, by reason of cold and moisture, there begun the Frigid Zone; and these being determined, they became bounds on either side to the Temperate. But all this was altered when the posture of the Earth was changed; and changed for that very purpose, as some of the Ancients have said, That the uninhabitable parts of the Earth might become habitable. Yet though there was so much of the first Earth uninhabitable, there remained as much to be inhabited as we have now; for the Sea, since the breaking up of the Abysse, hath taken away half of the Earth from us, a great part whereof was to them good Land. Besides, we are not to suppose, that the Torrid Zone was of that extent we make it now, twenty three degrees and more on either side of the Æquator; these bounds are set only by the Tropicks, and the Tropicks by the obliquity of the course of the Sun, or of the posture of the Earth, which was not in that World. Where the Rivers stopt, there the Torrid Zone would begin, but the Sun was directly perpendicular to no part of it, but the middle.

How the Rivers flowed in the first Earth we have before explained sufficiently, and what parts the Rivers did not reach, were turned into Sands and Desarts by the heat of the Sun; for I cannot easily imagine, that the Sandy Desarts of the Earth were made so at first, immediately and from the beginning of the World; from what causes should that be, and to what purpose? But in those Tracts of the Earth that were not refresht with Rivers and moisture, which cement the parts, the ground would moulder and crumble into little pieces, and then those pieces by the heat of the Sun were baked into Stone. And this would come to pass chiefly in the hot and scorched Regions of the Earth, though it might happen sometimes where there was not that extremity of heat, if by any chance a place wanted Rivers and Water to keep the Earth in due temper; but those Sands would not be so early or ancient as the other. As for greater loose Stones, and rough Pebbles, there were none in that Earth; Deucalionand Pyrrha, when the Deluge was over, found new-made Stones to cast behind their backs; the bones of their mother Earth, which then were broken in pieces, in that great ruine.

As for Plants and Trees, we cannot imagine but that they must needs abound in the Primitive Earth, seeing it was so well watered, and had a soil so fruitful; A new unlaboured soil, replenisht with the Seeds of all Vegetables; and a warm Sun that would call upon Nature early for her First-fruits, to be offered up at the beginning of her course. Nature had a wild luxuriancy at first, which humane industry by degrees gave form and order to; The Waters Howed with a constant and gentle Current, and were easily led which way the Inhabitants had a mind, for their use, or for their pleasure; and shady Trees, which grow best in moist and warm Countries, graced the Banks of their Rivers or Canals. But that which was the beauty and crown of all, was their perpetual Spring, the Fields always green, the Flowers always fresh, and the Trees always covered with Leaves and Fruit: But we have occasionally spoken of these things in several places, and may do again hereafter, and therefore need not inlarge upon them here.

As for Subterraneous things, Metals and Minerals, I believe they had none in the first Earth; and the happier they; no Gold, nor Silver, nor courser Metals. The use of these is either imaginary, or in such works, as, by the constitution of their World, they had little occasion for. And Minerals are either for Medicine, which they had no need of further than Herbs; or for Materials to certain Arts, which were not then in use, or were supplied by other ways. These Subterraneous things, Metals and metallick Minerals, are Factitious, not Original bodies, coeval with the Earth; but are made in process of time, after long preparations and concoctions, by the action of the Sun within the bowels of the Earth. And if the Stamina or principles of them rise from the lower Regions that lie under the Abysse, as I am apt to think they do, it doth not seem probable, that they could be drawn through such a mass of Waters, or that the heat of the Sun could on a sudden penetrate so deep, and be able to loosen them, and raise them into the exterior Earth. And as the first Age of the World was called Golden, though it knew not what Gold was; so the following Ages had their names from several Metals, which lay then asleep in the dark and deep womb of Nature, and see not the Sun till many Years and Ages afterwards.

Having run through the several Regions of Nature, from top to bottom, from the Heavens to the lower parts of the Earth, and made some observations upon their order in the Ante-diluvian World; Let us now look upon Man and other living Creatures, that make the Superiour and Animate part of Nature. We have observed, and sufficiently spoken to that difference betwixt the men of the old World, and those of the present, in point of Longævity, and given the reasons of it; but we must not imagine, that this long life was peculiar to Man, all other Animals had their share of it, and were in their proportion longer-lived than they are now. Nay, not only Animals, but also Vegetables, and the forms of all living things were far more permanent; The Trees of the Field and of the Forest, in all probability, out-lasted the lives of Men; and I do not know but the first Groves of Pines and Cedars that grew out of the Earth, or that were planted in the Garden of God, might be standing when the Deluge came, and see, from first to last, the entire course and period of a World.

We might add here, with St. Austin, another observation, both concerning Men and other lying Creatures in the first World, that They were greater, as well as longer-lived, than they are at present. This seems to be a very reasonable conjecture, for the state of every thing that hath life, is divided into the time of its growth, its consistency, and its decay; and when the whole duration is longer, every one of these parts, though not always in like proportions, will be longer. We must suppose then, that the growth both in Men and other Animals lasted longer in that World than it doth now, and consequently carried their Bodies both to a greater height and bulk. And in like manner, their Trees would be both taller, and every way bigger than ours; neither were they in any danger there to be blown down by Winds and Storms, or struck with Thunder, though they had been as high as the ÆgyptianPyramids; and whatsoever their height was, if they had Roots and Trunks proportionable, and were streight and well poised, they would stand firm, and with a greater majesty. The Fowls of Heaven making their Nests in their Boughs, and under their shadow the Beasts of the Field bringing forth their Young. When things are fairly possible in their causes, and possible in several degrees, higher or lower, ’tis weakness of Spirit in us, to think there is nothing in Nature, but in that one way, or in that one degree, that we are used to. And whosoever believes those accounts given us, both by the Ancients 1 and Moderns, 2 of the IndianTrees, will not think it strange that those of the first Earth, should much exceed any that we now see in this World. That Allegorical description of the glory of Assyriain Ezekiel(Chap. 31) by allusion to Trees, and particularly to the Trees of Paradise, was chiefly for the greatness and stateliness of them; and there is all fairness of reason to believe, that in that first Earth, both the Birds of the Air, and the Beasts of the Field, and the Trees, and their Fruit, were all, in their several kinds, more large and goodly than Nature produces any now.

So much in short concerning the Natural World, Inanimate or Animate; We should now take a prospect of the Moral World of that time, or of the Civil and Artificial World; what the order and Oeconomy of these was, what the manner of living, and how the Scenes of humane life were different from ours at present. The Ancients, especially the Poets, in their description of the Golden Age, exhibit to us an Order of things, and a Form of life, very remote from any thing we see in our days; but they are not to be trusted in all particulars, many times they exaggerate matters on purpose, that they may seem more strange, or more great, and by that means move and please us more. A Moralor PhilosophickHistory of the World well writ, would certainly be a very useful work, to observe and relate how the Scenes of Humane life have changed in several Ages, the Modes and Forms of living, in what simplicity Men begun at first, and by what degrees they came out of that way, by luxury, ambition, imEvidencement, or changes in Nature; then what new forms and modifications were superadded by the invention of Arts, what by Religion, what by Superstition. This would be a view of things more instructive, and more satisfactory, than to know what Kings Reigned in such an Age, and what Battles were fought; which common History teacheth, and teacheth little more. Such affairs are but the little underplots in the Tragi-comedy of the World; the main design is of another nature, and of far greater extent and consequence. But to return to the subject;

As the Animate World depends upon the Inanimate, so the Civil World depends upon them both, and takes its measures from them: Nature is the foundation still, and the affairs of Mankind are a superstructure that will be always proportioned to it. There fore we must look back upon the model or picture of their natural World, which we have drawn before, to make our conjectures or judgment of the Civil and Artificial that were to accompany it. We observed from their perpetual Æquinox, and the smoothness of the Earth, that the Air would be always calm, and the Heavens fair, no cold or violent Winds, Rains, or Storms, no extremity of weather in any kind, and therefore they would need little protection from the injuries of the Air in that state; whereas now one great part of the affairs of life, is to preserve our selves from those inconveniences, by building and cloathing. How many Hands, and how many Trades are imployed about these two things, which then were in a manner needless, or at least in such plainness and simplicity, that every man might be his own workman. Tents and Bowers would keep them from all incommodities of the Air and weather, better than Stone-walls, and strong Roofs defend us now; and men are apt to take the easiest ways of living, till necessity or vice put them upon others that are more laborious, and more artificial. We also observed and Evidenced, that they had no Sea in the Primitive and Ante-diluvian World, which makes a vast difference ’twixt us and them; This takes up half of our Globe, and a good part of Mankind is busied with Sea-affairs and Navigation. They had little need of Merchandizing then, Nature supplied them at home with all necessaries, which were few, and they were not so greedy of superfluities as we are. We may add to these what concerned their Food and Diet; Antiquity doth generally suppose that men were not Carnivorous in those Ages of the World, or did not feed upon Flesh, but only upon Fruit and Herbs. And this seems to be plainly confirmed by Scripture; for after the Deluge God Almighty gives Noahand his Posterity a Licence to eat Flesh, (Gen. 9. 2, 3.) Every moving thing that liveth shall be meat for you. Whereas before in the new-made Earth God had prescribed them Herbs and Fruit for their Diet, Gen. 1. 29. Behold, I have given you every Herb bearing Seed, which is upon the face of all the Earth; and every Tree, in the which is the Fruit of a Tree yielding Seed, to you it shall be for meat. And of this Natural Diet they would be provided to their hands, without further preparation, as the Birds and the Beasts are.

Upon these general grounds we may infer and conclude, that the Civil World then, as well as the Natural, had a very different face and aspect from what it hath now; for of these Heads, Food and Cloathing, Building and Traffick, with that train of Arts, Trades and Manufactures that attend them, the Civil order of things is in a great measure constituted and compounded: These make the business of life, the several occupations of Men, the noise and hurry of the World; These fill our Cities, and our Fairs, and our Havens and Ports; Yet all these fine things are but the effects of indigency and necessitousness, and were, for the most part, needless and unknown in that first state of Nature. The Ancients have told us the same things in effect, but telling us them without their grounds, which they themselves did not know, they lookt like Poetical stories, and pleasant fictions, and with most men past for no better. We have shewn them in another light, with their Reasons and Causes, deduced from the state of the natural World, which is the Basis upon which they stand; and this doth not only give them a just and full credibility, but also lays a foundation for after-thoughts, and further deductions, when they meet with minds disposed to pursue Speculations of this Nature.

As for Laws, Government, natural Religion, Military and Judicial affairs, with all their Equipage, which make an higher order of things in the Civil and Moral World, to calculate these upon the grounds given, would be more difficult, and more uncertain; neither do they at all belong to the present Theory. But from what we have already observed, we may be able to make a better judgment of those Traditional accounts which the Ancients have left us concerning these things, in the early Ages of the World, and the Primitive state of Nature. No doubt in these, as in all other particulars, there was a great easiness and simplicity in comparison of what is now, we are in a more pompous, forced, and artificial method, which partly the change of Nature, and partly the Vices and Vanities of men have introduced and establisht. But these things, with many more, ought to be the subject of a Philosophick Historyof the World, which we mentioned before.

This is a short and general Scheme of the Primæval World, compared with the Modern; yet these things did not equally run through all the Parts and Ages of it, there was a declension and degeneracy, both Natural and Moral, by degrees, and especially towards the latter end; but the principal form of Nature remaining till the Deluge and the dissolution of that Heavens and Earth, till then also this Civil frame of things would stand in a great measure. And though such a state of Nature, and of Mankind, when ’tis proposed crudely, and without its grounds, appear fabulous or imaginary, yet ’tis really in it self a state, not only possible, but more easie and natural, than what the World is in at present. And if one of the old Ante-diluvian Patriarchs should rise from the dead, he would be more surprised to see our World in that posture it is, than we can be by the story and description of his. As an Indianhath more reason to wonder at the Europeanmodes, than we have to wonder at their plain manner of living. ’Tis we that have left the tract of Nature, that are wrought and screwed up into artifices, that have disguised our selves; and ’tis in our World that the Scenes are changed, and become more strange and Fantastical.

I will conclude this Discourse with an easie remark, and without any particular Application of it. ’Tis a strange power that custom hath upon weak and little Spirits; whose thoughts reach no further than their Senses; and what they have seen and been used to, they make the standard and measure of Nature, of Reason, and of all Decorum. Neither are there any sort of men more positive and tenacious of their petty opinions, than they are; nor more censorious, even to bitterness and malice. And ’tis generally so, that those that have the least evidence for the truth of their beloved opinions, are most peevish and impatient in the defence of them. This sort of men are the last that will be made wise men, if ever they be; for they have the worst of diseases that accompany ignorance, and do not so much as know themselves to be sick.


Footnotes

178:1 Plin. li. 7, c. 2. Strab. l. 17.
178:2 Hort. Malabr.vol. 3.


Book II: Chapter V

THE SACRED THEORY OF THE EARTH

by Thomas Burnet

THE THEORY OF THE EARTH

Book 2

Concerning the PRIMAL EARTH, AND PARADISE.


CHAPTER V

Concerning the Waters of the Primitive Earth: What the state of the Regions of the Air was then, and how all Waters proceeded from them; how the Rivers arose, what was their course, and how they ended. Several things in Sacred Writ that confirm this Hydrography of the first Earth; especially the Origin of the Rainbow.

HAVING thus far cleared our way to Paradise, and given a rational account of its general properties; before we proceed to discourse of the place of it, there is one affair of moment, concerning this Primitive Earth, that must first be stated and explained; and that is, Howit was watered; from what causes, and in what manner. How could Fountains rise, or Rivers flow in an Earth of that Form and Nature? We have shut up the Sea with thick walls on every side, and taken away all communication that could be ’twixt it and the external Earth; and we have removed all the Hills and the Mountains where the Springs use to rise, and whence the Rivers descend to water the face of the ground: And lastly, we have left no issue for these Rivers, no Ocean to receive them, nor any other place to disburden themselves into: So that our New-found World is like to be a dry and barren Wilderness, and so far from being Paradisiacal, that it would scarce be habitable.

I confess there was nothing in this whole Theory that gave so rude a stop to my thoughts, as this part of it, concerning the Rivers of the first Earth; how they rise, how they flowed, and how they ended. It seemed at first, that we had wiped away at once the Notion and whole Doctrine of Rivers; we had turned the Earth so smooth, that there was not an Hill or rising for the head of a Spring, nor any fall or descent for the course of a River: Besides, I had suckt in the common opinion of Philosophers, That all Rivers rise from the Sea, and return to it again; and both those passages, I see, were stopt up in that Earth. This gave me occasion to reflect upon the modern, and more solid opinion, concerning the Origin of Fountains and Rivers, That they rise chiefly from Rains and melted Snows, and not from the Sea alone; and as soon as I had undeceived my self in that particular, I see it was necessary to consider, and examine, how the Rains fell in that first Earth, to understand what the state of their Waters and Rivers would be.

And I had no sooner applied my self to that Inquiry, but I easily discovered, that the Order of Nature in the Regions of the Air, would be then very different from what it is now, and the Meteorology of that World was of another sort from that of the present. The Air was always calm and equal, there could be no violent Meteors there, nor any that proceeded from extremity of Cold; as Ice, Snow or Hail; nor Thunder neither; for the Clouds could not be of a quality and consistency fit for such an effect, either by falling one upon another, or by their disruption. And as for Winds, they could not be either impetuous or irregular in that Earth; seeing there were neither Mountains nor any other inequalities to obstruct the course of the Vapours; nor any unequal Seasons, or unequal action of the Sun, nor any contrary and strugling motions of the Air: Nature was then a stranger to all those disorders. But as for watery Meteors, or those that rise from watery Vapours more immediately, as Dews and Rains, there could not but be plenty of these, in some part or other of that Earth; for the action of the Sun in raising Vapours, was very strong and very constant, and the Earth was at first moist and soft, and according as it grew more dry, the Rays of the Sun would pierce more deep into it, and reach at length the great Abysse which lay underneath, and was an unexhausted storehouse of new Vapours. But, ’tis true, the same heat which extracted these Vapours so copiously, would also hinder them from condensing into Clouds or Rain, in the warmer parts of the Earth; and there being no Mountains at that time, nor contrary Winds, nor any such causes to stop them or compress them, we must consider which way they would tend, and what their course would be, and whether they would any where meet with causes capable to change or condense them; for upon this, ’tis manifest, would depend the Meteors of that Air, and the Waters of that Earth.

And as the heat of the Sun was chiefly towards the middle parts of the Earth, so the copious Vapours raised there were most rarified and agitated; and being once in the open Air, their course would be that way, where they found least resistance to their motion; and that would certainly be towards the Poles, and the colder Regions of the Earth. For East and West they would meet with as warm an Air, and Vapours as much agitated as themselves, which therefore would not yield to their progress that way; but towards the North and the South, they would find a more easie passage, the Cold of those parts attracting them, as we call it, that is, making way to their motion and dilatation without much resistance, as Mountains and Cold places usually draw Vapours from the warmer. So as the regular and constant course of the Vapours of that Earth, which were raised chiefly about the Æquinoctial and middle parts of it, would be towards the extream parts of it, or towards the Poles.

And in consequence of this, when these Vapours were arrived in those cooler Climats, and cooler parts of the Air, they would be condensed into Rain; for wanting there the cause of their agitation, namely the heat of the Sun, their motion would soon begin to languish, and they would fall closer to one another in the form of Water. For the difference betwixt Vapours and Water is only gradual, and consists in this, that Vapours are in a flying motion, separate and distant each from another; but the parts of Water are in a creeping motion, close to one another, like a swarm of Bees, when they are setled; as Vapours resemble the same Bees in the Air before they settle together. Now there is nothing puts these Vapours upon the wing, or keeps them so, but a strong agitation by Heat; and when that fails, as it must do in all colder places and Regions, they necessarily return to Water again. Accordingly therefore we must suppose they would soon, after they reacht these cold Regions, be condensed, and fall down in a continual Rain or Dew upon those parts of the Earth. I say a continualRain; for seeing the action of the Sun, which raised the Vapours, was (at that time) always the same, and the state of the Air always alike, nor any cross Winds, nor any thing else that could hinder the course of the Vapours towards the Poles, nor their condensation when arrived there; ’tis manifest there would be a constant Source or store-house of Waters in those parts of the Air, and in those parts of the Earth.

And this, I think, was the establisht order of Nature in that World, this was the state of the Ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth; all their Waters came from above, and that with a constant supply and circulation; for when the croud of Vapours, raised about the middle parts of the Earth, found vent and issue this way towards the Poles, the passage being once opened, and the Chanel made, the Current would be still continued without intermission; and as they were dissolved and spent there, they would suck in more and more of those which followed, and came in fresh streams from the hotter Climates. Aristotle, I remember, in his Meteors, speaking of the course of the Vapours, saith, there is a River in the Air, constantly flowing betwixt the Heavens and the Earth, made by the ascending and descending Vapours; This was more remarkably true in the Primitive Earth, where the state of Nature was more constant and regular; there was indeed an uninterrupted flood of Vapours rising in one Region of the Earth, and flowing to another, and there continually distilling in Dews and Rain, which made this Aereal River. As may be easily apprehended from this Scheme of the Earth and Air.

Fig. 1 Fig. 1

Thus we have found a Source for Waters in the first Earth, which had no communication with the Sea; and a Source that would never fail, neither diminish or overflow, but feed the Earth with an equal supply throughout all the parts of the year. But there is a second difficulty that appears at the end of this, Howthese Waters would flow upon the even surface of the Earth, or form themselves into Rivers; there being no descent or declivity for their course. There were no Hills, nor Mountains, nor high Lands in the first Earth, and if these Rains fell in the Frigid Zones, or towards the Poles, there they would stand, in Lakes and Pools, having no descent one way more than another; and so the rest of the Earth would be no better for them. This, I confess, appeared as great a difficulty as the former, and would be unanswerable, for ought I know, if that first Earth had been exactly Spherical; but we noted before, that it was Oval or Oblong; and in such a Figure, ’tis manifest, the Polar parts are higher than the Æquinoctial, that is, more remote from the Center, as appears to the eye in this Scheme. This affords us a present remedy, and sets us free of the second difficulty; for by this means the Waters which fell about the extream parts of the Earth, would have a continual descent towards the middle parts of it; this Figure gives them motion and distribution; and many Rivers and Rivulets would flow from those Mother-Lakes to refresh the face of the Earth, bending their course still towards the middle parts of it.

Fig. 2 Fig. 2

’Tis true, these derivations of the Waters at first would be very irregular and diffuse, till the Chanels were a little worn and hollowed; and though that Earth was smooth and uniform, yet ’tis impossible upon an inclining surface, but that Waters should find a way of creeping downwards, as we see upon a smooth Table, or a flagged Pavement, if there be the least inclination, Water will flow from the higher to the lower parts of it, either directly, or winding to and fro: So the smoothness of that Earth would be no hinderance to the course of the Rivers, provided there was a general declivity in the site and libration of it, as ’tis plain there was from the Poles towards the Æquator. The Current indeed would be easie and gentle all along, and if it chanced in some places to rest or be stopt, it would spread it self into a pleasant Lake, till by fresh supplies it had raised its Waters so high, as to overflow and break loose again; then it would pursue its way, with many other Rivers its companions, through all the temperate Climates, as far as the Torrid Zone.

But you'll say, when they were got thither, what would become of them then? Howwould they end or finish their course? This is the third difficulty, concerningthe ending of the Rivers in that Earth; what issue could they have when they were come to the middle parts of it, whither, it seems, they all tended. There was no Sea to lose themselves in, as our Rivers do; nor any Subterraneous passages to throw themselves into; how would they die, what would be their fate at last? I answer, The greater Rivers, when they were come towards those parts of the Earth, would be divided into many branches, or a multitude of Rivulets; and those would be partly exhaled by the heat of the Sun, and partly drunk up by the dry and sandy Earth. But how and in what manner this came to pass, requires a little further Explication.

We must therefore observe in the first place, that those Rivers as they drew nearer to the Æquinoctial parts, would find a less declivity or descent of ground than in the beginning or former part of their course; that is evident from the Oval Figure of the Earth, for near the middle parts of an Oval, the Semidiameters, as I may call them, are very little shorter one than another; and for this reason the Rivers, when they were advanced towards the middle parts of the Earth, would begin to flow more slowly, and by that weakness of their Current, suffer themselves easily to be divided and distracted into several lesser streams and Rivulets; or else, having no force to wear a Chanel, would lie shallow upon the ground like a plash of Water; and in both cases their Waters would be much more exposed to the action of the Sun, than if they had kept together in a deeper Chanel, as they were before.

Secondly, we must observe, that seeing these Waters could not reach to the middle of the Torrid Zone, for want of descent; that part of the Earth having the Sun always perpendicular over it, and being refresht by no Rivers, would become extreamly dry and parched, and be converted at length into a kind of sandy Desart; so as all the Waters that were carried thus far, and were not exhaled and consumed by the Sun, would be suckt up, as in a Spunge, by these Sands of the Torrid Zone. This was the common Grave wherein the Rivers of the first Earth were buried; and this is nothing but what happens still in several parts of the present Earth, especially in Africk, where many Rivers never flow into the Sea, but expire after the same manner as these did, drunk up by the Sun and the Sands. And one arm of Euphratesdies, as I remember, amongst the Sands of Arabia, after the manner of the Rivers of the first Earth.

Thus we have conquered the greatest difficulty, in my apprehension, in this whole Theory, Tofind out the state of the Rivers in the Primitive and Antediluvian Earth, their Origin, course, and period. We have been forced to win our ground by Inches, and have divided the difficulty into parts, that we might encounter them single with more ease.

Fig. 3 Fig. 3

The Rivers of that Earth, you see, were in most respects different, and in some contrary to ours; and if you could turn our Rivers backwards, to run from the Sea towards their Fountain-heads, they would more resemble the course of those Ante-diluvian Rivers; for they were greatest at their first setting out, and the Current afterwards, when it was more weak, and the Chanel more shallow, was divided into many branches, and little Rivers; like the Arteries in our Body, that carry the Bloud, they are greatest at first, and the further they go from the Heart, their Source, the less they grow and divide into a multitude of little branches, which lose themselves insensibly in the habit of the flesh, as these little Floods did in the Sands of the Earth.

Because it pleaseth more, and makes a greater impression upon us, to see things represented to the Eye, than to read their description in words, we have ventured to give a model of the Primæval Earth, with its Zones or greater Climates, and the general order and tracts of its Rivers: Not that we believe things to have been in the very same form as here exhibited, but this may serve as a general Ideaof that Earth, which may be wrought into more exactness, according as we are able to enlarge or correct our thoughts hereafter. And as the Zones here represented resemble the Beltsor Fasciæof Jupiter, so we suppose them to proceed from like causes, that Planet being, according to our judgment, in an Antediluvian state, as the Earth we here represent. As for the Polar parts in that our Earth, I can say very little of them, they would make a Scene by themselves, and a very particular one; The Sun would be perpetually in their Horizon, which makes me think the Rains would not fall so much there as in the other parts of the Frigid Zones, where accordingly we have made their chief seat and receptacle. That they flowed from thence in such a like manner as is here represented, we have already Evidenced; And sometimes in their passage swelling into Lakes, and towards the end of their course parting into several streams and branches, they would water those parts of the Earth like a Garden.

We have before compared the branchings of these Rivers towards the end of their course to the ramifications of the Arteries in the Body, when they are far from the Heart near the extream parts; and some, it may be, looking upon this Scheme, would carry the comparison further, and suppose, that as in the Body the Bloud is not lost in the habit of the flesh, but strained thorough it, and taken up again by the little branches of the Veins; so in that Earth the Waters were not lost in those Sands of the Torrid Zone, but strained or percolated thorough them, and received into the Chanels of the other Hemisphere. This indeed would in some measure answer the Notion which several of the Ancient Fathers make use of, that the Rivers of Paradisewere trajected out of the other Hemisphere into this, by Subterraneous passages. But, I confess, I could never see it possible, how such a trajection could be made, nor how they could have any motion, being arrived in another Hemisphere; and therefore I am apt to believe, that doctrine amongst the Ancients arose from an intanglement in their principles; They supposed generally, that Paradisewas in the other Hemisphere, as we shall have occasion to show hereafter; and yet they believed that Tigris, Euphrates, Nile, and Gangeswere the Rivers of Paradise, or came out of it; and these two opinions they could not reconcile, or make out, but by supposing that these four Rivers had their Fountain-heads in the other Hemisphere, and by some wonderful trajection broke out again here. This was the expedient they found out to make their opinions consistent one with another; but this is a method to me altogether unconceivable; and, for my part, I do not love to be led out of my depth, leaning only upon Antiquity. How there could be any such communication, either above ground, or under ground, betwixt the two Hemispheres, does not appear, and therefore we must still suppose the Torrid Zone to have been the Barrier betwixt them, which nothing could pass either way.

We have now examined and determined the state of the Air, and of the Waters in the Primitive Earth, by the light and consequences of reason; and we must not wonder to find them different from the present order of Nature; what things are said of them, or relating to them in holy Writ, do testifie or imply as much; and it will be worth our time to make some reflection upon those passages for our further confirmation. Mosestells us, that the Rainbowwas set in the Clouds after the Deluge; those Heavens then that never had a Rainbow before, were certainly of a constitution very different from ours. And St. Peterdoth formally and expresly tell us, that the Old Heavens, or the Ante-diluvian Heavens had a different constitution from ours, and particularly, that they were composed or constituted of Water; which Philosophy of the Apostle's may be easily understood, if we attend to two things, first, that the Heavens he speaks of, were not the Starry Heavens, but the Aerial Heavens, or the Regions of our Air, where the Meteors are; Secondly, that there were no Meteors in those Regions, or in those Heavens, till the Deluge, but watery Meteors, and therefore, he says, they consisted of Water. And this shows the foundation upon which that description is made, how coherently the Apostle argues, and how justly he distinguisheth the first Heavens from the present Heavens, or rather opposeth them one to another; because as those were constituted of Water and watery Meteors only, so the present Heavens, he saith, have treasures of Fire, fiery Exhalations and Meteors, and a disposition to become the Executioners of the Divine wrath and decrees in the final Conflagration of the Earth.

This minds me also of the Celestial Waters, or the Waters above the Firmaments, which Scripture sometimes mentions, and which, methinks, cannot be explained so fitly and emphatically upon any supposition as this of ours. Those who place them above the Starry Heavens, seem neither to understand Astronomy nor Philosophy; and, on the other hand, if nothing be understood by them, but the Clouds and the middle Region of the Air, as it is at present, methinks that was no such eminent and remarkable thing, as to deserve a particular commemoration by Moses in his six days work; but if we understand them, not as they are now, but as they were then, the only Source of Waters, or the only Source of Waters upon that Earth, (for they had not one drop of Water but what was Celestial,) this gives it a new force and Emphasis: Besides, the whole middle Region having no other sort of Meteors but them, that made it still the greater singularity, and more worthy commemoration. As for the Rivers of Paradise, there is nothing said concerning their Source, or their issue, that is either contrary to this, or that is not agreeable to the general account we have given of the Waters and Rivers of the first Earth. They are not said to rise from any Mountain, but from a great River, or a kind of Lake in Eden, according to the custom of the Rivers of that Earth: And as for their end and issue, Moses doth not say, that they disburthened themselves into this or that Sea, as they usually do in the description of great Rivers, but rather implies, that they spent themselves in compassing and watering certain Countries, which falls in again very easily with our Hypothesis.

But to return to the Rainbow, which we mentioned before, and is not to be past over so slightly. This we say, is a Creature of the modern World, and was not seen nor known before the Flood. Moses(Gen. 9. 12, 13) plainly intimates as much, or rather directly affirms it; for he says, The Bow was set in the Clouds after the Deluge, as a confirmation of the promise or Covenant which God made with Noah, that he would drown the World no more with Water. And how could it be a sign of this, or given as a pledge and confirmation of such a promise, if it was in the Clouds before, and with no regard to this promise? and stood there, it may be, when the World was going to be drowned. This would have been but cold comfort to Noah, to have had such a pledge of the Divine veracity. You'll say, it may be, that it was not a sign or pledge that signified naturally, but voluntarily only, and by Divine institution; I am of opinion, I confess, that it signified naturally, and by connexion with the effect, importing thus much, that the state of Nature was changed from what it was before, and so changed, that the Earth was no more in a condition to perish by Water. But however, let us grant that it signified only by institution; to make it significant in this sence, it must be something new, otherwise it could not signifie any new thing, or be the confirmation of a new promise. If God Almighty had said to Noah, I make a promise to you, and to all living Creatures, that the World shall never be destroyed by Water again, and for confirmation of this, Behold, I set the Sun in the firmament:Would this have been any strengthning of Noah's faith, or any satisfaction to his mind? Why, says Noah, the Sun was in the Firmament when the Deluge came, and was a spectator of that sad Tragedy; why may it not be so again? what sign or assurance is this against a second Deluge? When God gives a sign in the Heavens, or on the Earth, of any Prophecy or Promise to be fulfilled, it must be by something new, or by some change wrought in Nature; whereby God doth testifie to us, that he is able and willing to stand to his promise. God says to Ahaz, Ask a sign of the Lord; Ask it either in the depth, or in the height above:And when Ahazwould ask no sign, God gives one unaskt, Behold, a Virgin shall conceive and bear a Son. So when Zacharywas promised a Son, he asketh for a sign, Whereby shall I know this? for I am old, and my Wife well stricken in years;and the sign given him was, that he became dumb, and continued so till the promise was fulfilled.

So in other instances of signs given in external Nature, as the sign given to King Hezekiahfor his recovery, and to Gideon for his victory; to confirm the promise made to Hezekiah, the shadow went back ten degrees in AhazDial: And for Gideon, his Fleece was wet, and all the ground about it dry; and then to change the trial, it was dry, and all the ground about it wet. These were all signs very proper, significant, and satisfactory, having something surprising and extraordinary, yet these were signs by institution only; and to be such they must have something new and strange, as a mark of the hand of God, otherwise they can have no force or significancy. If every thing be as it was before, and the face of Nature, in all its parts, the very same, it cannot signifie any thing new, nor any new intention in the Author of Nature; and consequently, cannot be a sign or pledge, a token or assurance of the accomplishment of any new Covenant or promise made by him.

This, methinks, is plain to common Sense, and to every mans Reason; but because it is a thing of importance, to Evidence that there was no Rainbow before the Flood, and will confirm a considerable part of this Theory, by discovering what the state of the Air was in the Old World, give me leave to argue it a little further, and to remove some prejudices that may keep others from assenting to clear Reason. I know ’tis usually said, that signs, like words, signifie any thing by institution, or may be applied to any thing by the will of the Imposer; as hanging out a white Flag is calling for mercy, a Bush at the door, a sign of Wine to be sold, and such like. But these are instances nothing to our purpose, these are signs of something present, and that signifie only by use and repeated experience; we are speaking of signs of another nature, given in confirmation of a promise, or threatning, or prophecy, and given with design to cure our unbelief, or to excite and beget in us Faith in God, in the Prophet, or in the Promiser; such signs, I say, when they are wrought in external Nature, must be some new Appearance, and must thereby induce us to believe the effect, or more to believe it, than if there had been no sign, but only the affirmation of the Promiser; for otherwise the pretended sign is a meer Cypher and superfluity. But a thing that obtained before, and in the same manner (even when that came to pass, which we are now promised shall not come to pass again) signifies no more, than if there had been no sign at all: it can neither signifie another course in Nature, nor another purpose in God; and therefore is perfectly insignificant. Some instance in the Sacraments, Jewish or Christian, and make them signs in such a sence as the Rainbow is: But those are rather Symbolical representations or commemorations; and some of them, marks of distinction and consecration of our selves to God in such a Religion; They were also new, and very particular when first instituted; but all such instances fall short and do not reach the case before us; we are speaking of signs confirmatory of a promise, when there is something affirmed de futuro, and to give us a further argument of the certainty of it, and of the power and veracity of the Promiser, a sign is given: This we say, must indispensably be something new, otherwise it cannot have the nature, vertue, and influence of a sign.

We have seen how incongruous it would be to admit that the Rainbow appeared before the Deluge, and how dead a sign that would make it, how forced, fruitless and ineffectual, as to the promise it was to confirm; Let us now on the other hand suppose, that it first appeared to the Inhabitants of the Earth after the Deluge, How proper, and how apposite a sign would this be for Providence to pitch upon, to confirm the Promise made to Noahand his posterity, Thatthe World should be no more destroyed by Water? It had a secret connexion with the effect it self, and was so far a natural sign; but however appearing first after the Deluge, and in a watery Cloud, there was, methinks, a great easiness, and propriety of application for such a purpose. And if we suppose, that while God Almighty was declaring his promise to Noah, and the sign of it, there appeared at the same time in the Clouds a fair Rainbow, that marvellous and beautiful Meteor, which Noahhad never seen before; it could not but make a most lively impression upon him, quickning his Faith, and giving him comfort and assurance, that God would be stedfast to his promise.

Nor ought we to wonder, that Interpreters have commonly gone the other way, and supposed that the Rainbow was before the Flood; This, I say, was no wonder in them, for they had no Hypothesisthat could answer to any other interpretation: And in the interpretation of the Texts of Scripture that concern natural things, they commonly bring them down to their own Philosophy and Notions: As we have a great instance in that discourse of St. Peter's, concerning the Deluge, and the Ante-diluvian Heavens, and Earth, which, for want of a Theory, they have been scarce able to make sence of; for they have forcedly applied to the present Earth, or the present form of the Earth, what plainly respected another. A like instance we have in the MosaicalAbysse, or Tehom-Rabba, by whose disruption the Deluge was made; this they knew not well what to make of, and so have generally interpreted it of the Sea, or of our subterraneous Waters; without any propriety, either as to the word, or as to the sence. A third instance is this of the Rainbow, where their Philosophy hath misguided them again; for to give them their due, they do not alledge, nor pretend to alledge, any thing from the Text, that should make them interpret thus, or think the Rainbow was before the Flood; but they pretend to go by certain reasons, as that the Clouds were before the Flood, therefore the Rainbow; and if the Rainbow was not before the Flood, then all things were not made within the six days Creation: To whom these reasons are convictive, they must be led into the same belief with them, but not by any thing in the Text, nor in the true Theory, at least if Ours be so; for by that you see that the Vapours were never condensed into drops, nor into Rain in the temperate and inhabited Climates of that Earth, and consequently there could never be the production or appearance of this Bow in the Clouds. Thus much concerning the Rainbow.

To recollect our selves, and conclude this Chapter, and the whole disquisition concerning the Waters of the Primitive Earth; we seem to have so well satisfied the difficulties proposed in the beginning of the Chapter, that they have rather given us an advantage; a better discovery, and such a new prospect of that Earth, as makes it not only habitable, but more fit to be Paradisiacal. The pleasantness of the site of Paradiseis made to consist chiefly in two things, its Waters, and its Trees, (Gen. 2 and Chap. 13. 10. Ezek. 31. 8) and considering the richness of that first soil in the Primitive Earth, it could not but abound in Trees, as it did in Rivers and Rivulets; and be wooded like a Grove, as it was watered like a Garden, in the temperate Climates of it; so as it would not be, methinks, so difficult, to find one Paradisethere, as not to find more than one.


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